Who readeth much, and never meditates,
Is like the greedy eater"of much food,
Who1 so surcloys his stomach with his rates,
That commonly they do him little good,
?JOSHUA SYLVESTER*Pronounce C in Culavamsa and in all Pali words
as ch in church-, thus: Chulavangsa.fail 'ffiqct'
TRANSLATION SERIES, No. 18
1929: EXTRA VOLUME, PRICE IDS.
CULAVAMSA
BEING THE MORE RECENT PART OF THE
MAMAVAMSA
PART I.
TRANSLATED BY
WILHELM GEIGER
AND "FROM THE GERMAN INTO ENGLISH BY
Mrs. C MABEL RICKMERS (nee Duff)
AUTHOR OP "THE CHRONOLOGY OF INDIA"
UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF THE GOVERNMENT
OF CEYLON
PUBLISHED FOR THE PALI TEXT SOCIETY
B¥
HUMPHREY M1LFORD
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMEN HOUSE
WARWICK SQUARE, E.C.
? 1929Printed by Academy Printer F. Straub, Munich.To
Mrs. C. A. F. Rhys Davids
in sincere veneration
and friendship
W. G.FOBEWORD
On completing the first volume of my translation of the
Culavamsa, I feel it to be my duty above all to tender my
most hearty thanks to the Government of Ceylon for the
opportunity it gave me of visiting the Island before beginn-
ing my work. In Colombo Mr. M. A., YOUNG, at that time
First Assistant Colonial Secretary, arranged matters for me in
the kindest manner.
My thanks are no less due to my esteemed colleagues in
England whose friendly advocacy and recommendation did so
much towards furthering affairs.
Without the journey which took me into all parts of the
Island, I should have been without that vivid idea of the
country and the people which is necessary for the understand-
ing of their history. Without it too, I should have lost that
mass of information and the stimulating intercourse which
met me in Ceylon from the most varied quarters.
I mention in the first place with special pleasure and
sincere gratitude the present Archaeological Commissioner,
Mr. A. M. HOCAET, whose lively and intelligent interest in my
aims and tasks I shall always remember, as well as that of
his temporary representative, Mr. SUDBUEY. In their company
I was able to visit a series of important ruins partly in very
out of the way places, and so familiarize myself with some
of the most pressing questions connected with ancient Sinhalese
architecture.
In the same way I owe warm thanks to Mr. H. W. CODEINGTON.
Himself the greatest authority on the history and mediaeval
topography of Ceylon, he ga?e me much help and ready en-
Acouragement, as a glance at the notes to my translation will
show.
Mr. P. E. PIEBIS also smoothed many a path for me and
to his good offices I owe many a valuable connection. Of my
old friends I may mention lastly in this place the indefatigable
Mudaliyar A. M. GUNASEKABA. I must add however, that
wherever I came, new Sinhalese friends ? amongst others
I may mention Ratemahatmaya BIBILE ? gave me willing and
active support.
My principle in working has been to make my translation
approach as closely as possible to the original. We must as
far as is practicable, know exactly what the chroniclers say.
The aesthetic value of the Culavamsa as a literary work is
small. The carrying out of this principle has been made
more difficult by the fact that the German text has had to
be re-translated into English. I am however greatly indebted
to my co-worker, Mrs. C. Mabel RICKMEBS, for most kindly
making my principle her own, in doing which I believe her
to have achieved full success.
One difficulty met with by every translator of an Indian
text lies in the multitude of the synonyms. It is impossible
for us to imitate them. Consider for a moment the many
terms for "King". In order to be as fair as possible to the
conditions of the original, we have reserved, though with
occasional exceptions, the translation "King" for rajan. Com-
binations with pati (like dhammpati etc.) we have rendered
by "ruler", those with pa or pdla (like bhumipa etc.) by "mo-
narch", other terms by "sovereign". That proper names with
variants such as ParaJckamdbaku and -Muja have been unified
will probably meet with approval.
The second volume will contain a detailed chronological
introduction with a list of the kings, as well as a full index.
As the German text is almost finished and the English render-
ing already in progress, we should not now have to wait long
for the completion of the whole work.
The last ten chapters it is true, are not an unmixed joy
for the translator. The language is faulty, the style clumsy,o-<£
III £-0
often very stilted. Instead of the long-winded, stereotyped
descriptions of festivals and bounties, one would like to hear
more of those outward events which just in the 16th, 17th
and 18th centuries shook the old Sinhalese kingdom to its
foundations. To make good the omissions of the Chronicle
here would mean writing a new history of Ceylon. This has
already been done by more competent scholars and where it
seemed desirable, I have referred to their works in my notes.
Lastly I would ask the reader before using the book, to
be kind enough to consult the appendices and to take note
of corrections and also of emendations in the original text.
Munich-Neubiberg
November 1928INTRODUCTION
As to the credibility of the Culavamsa: the history of
Parakkamabahu's youth
The question of the credibility of the Culavamsa cannot
be answered with a simple yes or no. It is somewhat more
complicated than that of the more ancient Mahavamsa whose
author kept more closely and I might say, more naively to
his source. One thing is certain: the compiler of the first
part of the Culavamsa (chaps. 37-79) with which I am at
present dealing, did not consciously relate what was false.
What he tells us is drawn from his own knowledge, as derived
from his sources and his personal conviction. That much
valuable material is contained therein is shown by the way
in which various statements are confirmed by inscriptions. In
the notes to my translation I have repeatedly referred to these
corroborations of the Culavamsa. Moreover statements in one
part of the work are frequently confirmed by passages in
another part. How remarkably for instance, do the geo-
graphical data in chaps. 65-67 regarding the flight of Prince
Parakkamabahu from Sankhatthali in Dakkhi^adesa correspond
with those in chaps. 70 and 72 in the description of the cam-
paign against Rajarattha. CODHINGTON has shown that plainly
enough.
But two points must be borne in mind. The compiler ?
let us call him DhammakittI ? was after all a bhikkhu and
the sources of which he made* use were written by bhikkhus,the records
forming the foundation were written down in the
spirit and in the interests of the Buddhist Church. They were
in the main apparently jwnnapottfidkani (cf. Mhvs. 32. 25)
that is registers of meritorious works by which the prince
had furthered the Church (sasana) and the laity (lolca). About
such things therefore we are particularly well informed. We
hear of the viharas built by the king, of the repairs he had
had undertaken on the more ancient buildings, of his bounty
to the needy, the poor and the sick and above all to the
priesthood. Of much however, equally Interesting if not more
interesting to the historian we hear nothing at all. It is these
gaps of which one has a growing consciousness without being-
able to lay one's finger with certainty on them, which con-
stitute the chief lack in the narrative of the Culavamsa. Not
what is said but what is left unsaid is the besetting diffi-
culty of Sinhalese history.
To take but one example ? how explain the fact that of
so mighty a work as the fortress of Slgiri not a single detail
is described ? Even the name is only mentioned in four places.
And yet this is perhaps the most magnificent building of which
Ceylon can boast. It is not impossible that the personality
of Kassapa I. might appear in a different light if a layman
and not a priest had been the author of the chronicle.
I must repeat here that not the least doubt is thrown on
Dhammakitti's good faith by such criticisms. They merely
point out the range of Ideas by which his work was condition-
ed and restricted.
It is of course dear that it was not solely of such punndni
that Dhammakitti's sources and tradition had to tell. We hear
also of secular proceedings1 with which often enough the
"meritorious works" of the princes were connected. But it is
indisputable that what the Culavamsa had above all in mind
was the relation of the king to the church. This relation
fills so large a space in the narrative that if we follow it
1 That the Sinhalese kings had records kept of the events of their
reigns Is clear from 59. 7-9,-<3 YI o~»
alone the history of Ceylon takes on a hue not quite in keep-
ing with fact. Unfortunately we are not in a position to fill
up satisfactorily the gaps in the historical tradition. Later
Sinhalese writings are not essentially different in character
and the inscriptions which would undoubtedly be our best
source, are unfortunately occupied almost entirely with ec-
clesiastical matters. Nevertheless certain of these give much
desired confirmation of purely secular events mentioned in the
Culavamsa. Their importance for its chronology will be dealt
with later.
A. further point. Already Mahanama the author of the
older Mahavamsa, was fain to create a Tcavya, an artificial
poem, and he was no stranger to the rules of alamkara. But
this is true in a still higher degree of Dhammakitti. He
was a man of literary culture. I believe I have proved in the
notes to my translation of 66. 129 if. that he must have been
acquainted with Indian Niti literature, perhaps with its chief
work, the Arthasastra of Kau|alya. These literary reminiscences
were of course not without influence on his attitude towards
historical events and persons.
Above all is this true of the personality of Parakkamabahu.
I should like to -elaborate this point further. For Bishop
COPLESTON is perfectly right in regarding the history of Para-
kkama as the real kernel, the main subject of the Culavamsa,
especially of the first part which was the work of Dhamma-
kitti, and in speaking of a Parakkama epic1.
Now if we look closely at the figure of Parakkamabahu
as it meets us in the Culavamsa, especially at the period before
he achieved universal sovereignty, we find ourselves faced by
a series of contradictions and improbabilities. We are con-
vinced that things did not happen historically in that way.
Nor is it possible to form a harmonious and credible picture
of the single acts attributed to the youthful Parakkama.
The explanation lies in DhammakittPs conception of the
way in which his task was to be achieved. From literary
1 JEAS. C. B. nr. 44, 1893, p. 60 ff.o-<«3 YII S-o
sources, from what he had read he drew an ideal picture of
an Indian king. The man whose glorification was his aim
must correspond to this picture. He must have all the quali-
ties belonging to an Indian king and employ all the methods
of statecraft which political science prescribes or recommends.
All these individual traits the compiler combines with the data
furnished by tradition, without question as to probability or
improbability of these.
According to the Culavamsa the youth of Parakkama was
passed somewhat as follows:
Parakkamabahu is the son of the eldest of the three
brothers Manabhara^a, Kittisirimegha and Sirivallabha who
rule over Dakkhi^adesa and Rohai^a in opposition to Vikkama-
bahu who holds the royal dignity in virtue of his possession
of Rajarattha with its capital Pulatthinagara. Parakkama's
father Manabharaija has retained as his share the important
province of Dakkhinadesa, Roha^a is divided between the two
younger brothers.
The birth of the prince is accompanied by all kinds* of
miraculous phenomena. Vikkamabahu is informed of it and
wishes to bring the boy up at his court in order to make
him his heir instead of his own son. Manabhara^a, however,
refuses and dies soon after of a disease. Thereupon his next
brother, Kittisirimegha takes over Dakkhinadesa and leaves
the whole of Rohana to the youngest, Sirivallabha who brings
Manabhara^a's widow Ratanavali, her two daughters Mitta
and Pabhavati and the youthful Parakkama to take up their
abode in his capital of Mahanagahula. Meanwhile Vikkama-
bahu also dies and is succeeded in Rajarattha by his son
Gajabahu who maintains himself against Kittisirimegha and
Sirivallabha.
The youthful Parakkama finds no scope in Roha^a, so he
betakes himself to his uncle in Dakkhinadesa who receives
him joyfully. He lives with him in the chief locality of the
country SaiikhatthalL He finishes his education and Ms com-
ing of age is celebrated with festivities. The Senapati Sankha
who was stationed in Badalatthali, is entrusted with theo~<3 Till
£-e
preparations for the festival. Sirivallabha dies in Rolia^a and
is succeeded by his son, the younger ? Manabharaija.
Parakkama's ambition finds no satisfaction in Dakkhinadesa.
He hankers after the royal dignity in Rajarattha and deter-
mines to go thither and discover conditions for himself. Of
dissensions between the prince and his uncle there is never
any word. On the contrary, the fiction is constantly upheld
that Kittisirimegha is tenderly attached to his nephew, and
that it is only fear of the dangers involved which makes him
discourage the visit to Rajarattha.
So the prince leaves Sankhafcthali secretly and comes first
to Badalatthali where he has the Senapati Sankha killed be-
cause he had informed1 the king of Parakkama's flight. He
then goes northwards to Buddhagama not far from the borders
of Rajarattha. The inhabitants of the country make repeated
efforts to check the prince's advance but he repulses all such
attempts by force of arms.
Parakkama's uncle meanwhile, alarmed at his nephew's
disappearance, consults with his ministers (66. 57 ff.) and sends
a strong force to fetch him back. But it is ambushed by the
prince and completely routed. He even pursues the pursuers
(66. 82 ff.) and surprises them by a night assault in Khiravapi.
After repulsing a countre attack he proceeds to cross the
frontiers of Rajarattha.
Gajabahu is apparently greatly alarmed but puts a good
face on the matter and greets the guest through messengers
with gifts, marches to meet him in person and fetch him to
the capital.
During his sojourn in Pulatthinagara Parakkamabahu en-
meshes the town and its surroundings in a net of espionage
1 The compiler is obviously at a loss to account for Parakkama's
action. In 65. 35 fF. the afair is so described as if circumstances had
driven the prince to it, but he had already (v. 21 ff.) declared Ms in-
tention of committing an extraordinary deed ? the allusion can only
be to the removal of Saiikha ? by which his courage and determination
would be proved. Thus even Dhammakitti admits that the action was
deliberately planned.o-<*3 IX £-0
(66. 129 ff.). He goes the. length of wedding his sister
Bhaddavati to King Gajabahu in order to lull his suspicions.
He himself keeps her dowry, or at least the greater part of
it, in-his own hands.
Eventually however, the prince has fears that Grajabahu
may see through his intentions and he leaves the town se-
cretly at night to return to Dakkhinadesa (67. 32 ff.). During
this flight he meets with all kinds of adventures in which
his personal courage is put to the test. Kittisirimegha is
delighted at the return of his nephew and sends messengers
to Saraggama to meet him. The prince however, hesitates ?
the reason is not given ? to enter the capital Sankhatthali.
His mother comes from Koha^a and persuades him to do so.
He is joyfully received by Kittisirimegha who dies shortly
afterwards when Parakkamabahu takes over the sovereignty
of the province.
What then is the character of Parakkamabahu if we follow
tradition? Here I go beyond the chapter whose contents I
have just sketched, the question is what kind of personality
had Dhammakitti in mind when he gave a poetical picture
of his hero. Of course he is extraordinarily fearless and
courageous. High-sounding words are put into his mouth.
With his weapon alone for which he calls, will he strike
terror into the foe (66. 31). He is capable alone of facing
all his enemies, as the lion needs no allies when he tears
elephants in pieces (72. 88). No one, not even the king of
the gods can cross the frontiers of his realm, so long as he
je in life (72. 154). Were he fain to seize the sovereignty in
Pulatthinagara, the wrinkling of his brows were sufficient
thereto (67. 12).
What then of the deeds? An action reminiscent of a feat
of Alexander the Great is described 66. 87 ff. during the attack
on Khiravapi. Parakkamabahu's people are unable to break
through the barricade of thorns which surrounds the place.
Thereupon he pierces it alone and announces his name with
resounding voice. That suffices to scatter the enemy in all
directions. The scene described 66. 104 may also be mentionedhere. But the
narratives of the courage displayed by the
prince against a she-bear that attacked him in the wilderness
(67. 41) and against a boar (67. 44), savour rather of an in-
vention of the author for elaborating the events and adorning
the poem. In contrast to these we have in the miraculous
story of the male elk (70. 33 ff.) which attacks Parakkama-
bahu during the chase and shedding his antlers directly in
front of him, falls to the ground, possibly a piece of ancient
tradition. Are we not told that the antlers with an inscrip-
tion describing the occurrence "are even now" preserved in
the royal treasury ?
In the great military engagements against Gajabahu and
still later against the revolt in Eohana Parakkamabahu keeps
completely in the background. It is his generals who carry
out his plans. Without doubt this tallies with the actual
conditions of the time. The heroic age of a Dutthagamani
belongs to the past and where Parakkamabahu is depicted as
a hero of this stamp we have, at least as a rule, to do with
the creations of poetic imagination, with literary ornamentation.
Highly characteristic is the episode described 72. 95 ff. where
it looks as if Parakkamabahu at a critical moment intended
to save the situation. He calls for his Sihala sword. But it
is not he who wields it but two of his officers whose efforts
at saving the position were only partially successful.
To place Parakkamabahu's courage in the best possible
light Dhammakitti makes use of two purely literary devices.
In his youth he is a harmless, almost childlike nature. He
takes pleasure in music, games and dancing (70. 30-31), even
on serious occasions where it seems to us almost inappropriate.
When he is attacked in Navagirisa by the pursuers sent by
his uncle, he is playing a game to which he had been
accustomed from childhood (66. 101), and when he has crossed
the frontiers of the "King's Province", Rajarattha, he devotes
himself for days to the local games (66. 111). When his
position is apparently most critical and his attendants take
flight he proudly conscious of his personal worth, has nothing
but a cheerful.smile (66. 30, 72. 99) even when as.after the*-$ XI e>-
death of the Adhikarin Rakkha (72. 87), it seems to us hardly
appropriate.
Again, what a brilliant contrast is Parakkamabahu's heroism
to the almost grotesque cowardice of his own people as also
of the enemy. When the inhabitants of Buddhagama prepare
to attack the prince, his own people flee in all directions
(66. 28). At the mere sound of his voice Kittisirimegha's
soldiers in Khiravapi take flight leaving behind their clothes
and weapons (66. 90). When attacked in Navagirisa his own
people flee to the wilderness without striking a blow (66.105)
and only meet again when they hear their ruler's voice. Be-
fore the she-bear and the elk the people take to their heels
leaving their prince in the lurch1.
Here Dhammakitti manifestly does his countrymen an in-
justice. The Sinhalese are perhaps not naturally a warlike
race, but they can hardly be so cowardly, so senselessly co-
wardly a they are here depicted. Against the Portuguese they at
times gave proof of a death-despising courage. In Parakkama-
bahu's times they were certainly not mere cravens. If the
poet paints them as such he does it so that the figure of his
hero should stand forth the more brilliantly against such a
background. The methods employed by Dhammakitti for
attaining this end, seem naive and clumsy enough, but we
must remember that he himself as a bhikkhu would have but
little idea or understanding of military matters.
The following is typical of Dhammakitti's standpoint.
During all the events described in 64 and the following
paricchedas it is deliberately stated that the relation between
Parakkamabahu and bis uncle Kittisirimegha was always one
of fatherly love on the one side and of deep gratitude on the
other. The prince himself stresses this with zeal 66. 12 ff.
And according to 67. 56 ff., 84 ff. the uncle welcomes the
return of his nephew from Pulatthinagara with heartfelt joy.
1 For us the description in 66. 47 ff. of how the Nagaragiri Gokanna
was seized with terror as the result of a dream sounds comical, almost
ludicrous. Breams however, had at that time for the Sinhalese a quite
peculiar significance, as indeed they still have.-<£ XII s~
The reason why the compiler holds so firmly to this fiction
is clear. The ideal figure of Parakkama must be protected
against the possible reproach, of ingratitude. The facts however,
will not tally with the fiction. Already the words put into
the uncle's mouth 66. 58 ff. throw a different light on their
relations. Then comes the brutal murder of the Senapati Sena
who was obviously a particularly loyal vassal of Kittisirimegha
to whom his death must have been a painful loss. Further
the fact that the prince had to fight his way through the
various provinces whose inhabitants obviously looked upon him
as somewhat of a rebel and traitor. Kittisirimegha himself
sends troops after the fugitive who scatters them in a series
of skirmishes. Without doubt the description of these fights
is accompanied by a great many exaggerations. Parakkama-
bahu cannot possibly come to Pulatthinagara at the head of
a whole army. But the spirit in which the accounts of these
conflicts are conceived is irreconcilable with the fiction of
untroubled relations between uncle and nephew.
Then finally the return of the prince to Datkhiftadesa
after Pulatthinagara had obviously become too hot to hold
him. We are forced to ask what made him delay so long at
the frontier (67. 59 ff.). The reason must have been his un-
certainty as to the reception he was likely to get from the
monarch. This explains too the part played here by Para-
kkamabahu's mother. She feels it to be her task to reconcile
the two or rather to induce the uncle to give his nephew a
favorable reception. She plays the part of mediator.
If now we consider dispassionately the facts as set forth
by the chronicle, leaving aside all the inaccuracies due to the
character and tendencies of the author, we get I believe a
quite intelligible picture of the youthful Parakkamabahu.
The most striking characteristic of the prince is his am-
bition and his activity. In Mahanagahula life with his mother
and sisters is too restricted. He dreams of great enterprises.
The union of the whole of Ceylon in his hand is the ideal
before him at this period. It is possible that his mother, the
proud Ratanavali (cf. S3. llff.) inspired him with these plansc-^2 XIII
£~-c
and fed them. At any rate it is the idea of greater possi-
bilities for his own activity which makes him leave Mahana-
gahula and betake himself to Dakkhinadesa to the court of
his uncle Kittisirimegha. That this province was politically
of more consequence than that of Kohana is clear from the
way in which the provinces were divided among the three
brothers, as I have shown above p. vn. Kittisirimegha has
no eligible son as his successor, he receives the young prince
therefore with open arms and the relation between uncle and
nephew was plainly for some time a friendly one. But it
changed. Owing to the bias of the chronicle, we have neither
knowledge nor means of judging of the details. The main
cause at any rate lay in the restless activity of the young
prince. It may be that Kittisirimegha himself felt uncertain
of him or that he feared being drawn by him into difficulties
with Grajabahu II., the king of Rajarattha. Parakkamabahu
will have realised himself that his position at the court of
Sankhatthali had become untenable. Accompanied by his
devoted attendants he flees from the town at night to betake
himself to King Gajabahu. Now we see that Parakkamabahu
is by no means the innocent youth described in the chronicle.
He shrinks from no deed of blood if it is in the interests of
his plans and of his own safety.
The murder of the Senapati Sankha seems hardly intelli-
gible if we accept the motive alleged for it by the chronicle.
The reality was certainly otherwise. We may assume that at
first the prince hoped to bring Kittisirimegha's powerful vassal
over to his own side. But Sankha remained true to his master.
The prince has now reason to fear that Sankha may seize
and deliver him up to the monarch. The danger for him is
great, for Kittisirimegha would doubtless look upon him as
a rebel and punish him as such. Thus he determines on ex-
tremes and has Sankha slain. What was thought of this
deed is proved by the way it again and again later on throws
its shadow on the actions of Parakkamabahu,
Gajabahu seems (cf. 66. 112) to have received the news of
Parakkamabahu's approach with decidedly mixed feelings. He?e xiv $>-*
knew of course enough of his dangerous temperament. On
the other hand it is certain that even then the prince was
looked upon as an exceptional personality gifted with extra-
ordinary qualities. The king must have regarded Kittisiri-
megha as his most serious rival. He may have hoped to gain
the prince as ally against this rival. In any case however,
it was politically short-sighted to receive him with such honour
and to place more trust in him than prudence warranted.
Parakkamabahu probably employed his sojourn in Pulatthina-
gara to find out the conditions obtaining in Kajarattha. We
may be sure however, that this was not done in the way
described 66. 129 ff. Here Dhammakitti as I hope I have
shown in my notes to the whole passage, conforms to the
whole scheme of the Indian Niti Literature, exhibiting his
knowledge of it with great complacency. At any rate the
prince by his whole conduct arouses more and more the
suspicions of Gajabahu and his counsellors so that in the same
way as he fled from Sankhatthall, he leaves the capital at
night convinced that he has been detected. But there is one
remarkable difference. Gajabahu seemingly sends no armed
messengers out to fetch back the fugitive. He was probably
glad to be rid of a guest who was becoming so dangerous.
Parakkamabahu's mother, as I assume, reconciles him with
his uncle whose death shortly afterwards solves all difficulties.
My remarks are an attempt to remove the facts of a
circumscribed period of Sinhalese history from the light in
which the compiler of the Culavamsa saw and was forced by
his mentality to see them and to place them in the light of
historical consideration. I repeat that this is merely an at-
tempt. But the employment of this or similar methods may
possibly prove fruitful in the interpretation of native tradition.XV
II
Kingship and the law of Succession in mediaeval Ceylon
The form of government in mediaeval Ceylon was to all
appearance of course despotic. The king is head and crown
of the state. The state does not exist for itself but for the
king. All attributes of power and greatness are heaped on
the king. Yet in his decisions and actions he is by no means
so free as one might imagine. In these he is strongly in-
fluenced and also restricted by custom which has assumed the
force of law, by the puWacdrittam ? use and wont. Again and
again it is said in praise of the best princes that in their
actions they followed former kings, that they did not stray
from the path of tradition. This conservative trait forms
without doubt a strong counterbalance to the ideas of unlimit-
ed power which the popular mind associates with the idea of
sovereignty.
There exist a number of names and titles for "king".
With no term is the Indian love of synonyms so marked as
with this one. It is unnecessary to enumerate the many and
varied terms for "king". They are the crux of every translator.
The expression "king" I have reserved for rajan. Then there come
in addition maharaja, rajadhir&ja, used 75. 203 of Parakkama-
bahu I. which last however is an ancient title. It is used
already in the Taittiriya ara$yaka 1. 31. 6. For the ruler of
a small island like Ceylon the titles strike us at times as
somewhat "grandiose: mahijpati, maklpala, dharaqlpati, bhupati,
bhup&la, jdgaMpati, narapati, naradhipa^ narddhinatha etc. One
must bear in mind that these titles have by frequent and
arbitrary use ? very often it is the metre that decides the
matter ? become worn down and defaced. It would not be
in keeping with the mentality of the compiler of the Cula-
vamsa if we were to translate these expressions always by
*'ruler of the earth11 and the like.o-<£ XVI ,&~-c
Nest to the long comes the queen, the mahesl, his chief
consort in contrast to the®unrestricted number of concubines,
the harem (orodha, antepwa). In the case of the mahesl
equality of birth is strictly enforced and only her sons have
a right to the succession. Herr HOCABT expressed to me the
opinion that there were two mahesis and pointed out the
mention of the queens. Anuladevi and Sornadevi in'Mhvs. 33.
45-46. He is certainly right. It is also expressly stated of
Vijayabahu I. (59. 25 and 30) that he raised two princesses
to the dignity of mahesi, first Lllavatl and then Tilokasundari
(mahesiUe dbhisecayi, -sinci) and a dutiya devl of Manabhara^a
of Eoha^a is mentioned in 64. 24. The mention of the title
aggamahesl (54. 10; 70. 33) inclines us to believe that there
was a difference in rank between the two mahesis. This as-
sumption however receives no support from the inscription of
Potgul-vehera in Polonnaruva in which Queen Candavati is
described as dutiyam aggatam gata, that she was the second
aggamahesl of Parakkamabahu together with the first, Lllavatl1.
Special titles also exist for the sons and daughters of the
reigning king, -for the princes and princesses (rajapuUa^ raja-
putti), for the sons the title adipada, for the daughters that
of rdjinl. The fact tih&b-rajinl is not merely a general term
for "queen", but also a particular title with a particular rank
corresponding to the title ddipada for princes is clear from
49. 3. Udaya I. makes his eldest son yuvaraja, the other sons
adipadas, the daughters rajinis. In the same way Sena I,
according to 50, 58 raises his daughters to the rank of rajinis
(rajimtJiane) and Mahinda IY. according to 54. 11 makes his
sons adipadas and his daughter rajini2.
1 See now A, M. HOCABT, Duplication of Office in'Indian State, A:
The Two Queens (CJSc. 0, I, p. 207 ff.). I may add, that Nissafika
Malla in the Galppta Inscription (B, line 2; EZ. II. 106) also mentions
two mahesTs, Subhaclrl and Kalyana.
2 The correction of copirajinim Into capi rdjimni is doubtless pre-
ferable to the coparajinim of S. and B. An upardjinl certainly never
existed. The reading rSjinzftata too in 60. 84 which I have adopted in
the text, shows that Vijayabahu * I raised his daughter Yasodhara to
theo-<3 XVII fr-c
As to the title adipada, we first meet with it in 41. 34.
Here it is stated that Silakala bestowed it on his eldest son
Moggallana (later King M. II). Two passages dealing with
the granting of the title by the king to his sons are just
quoted (49. 3; 54. 11). Dappula II. does not make the son
of his eldest brother Mahinda adipada, because, contrary to
the existing law (see below), he wishes to leave the crown
to his own sons. Thus it seems that with the title is bound
up the acknowledgment of the right of succession. Thus it is
legally borne (50. 8 and 25) by TJdaya and Kassapa as younger
brothers and presumptive heirs of Sena I. Likewise by
Dappula (afterwards D. IV.) 53. 1 as brother of Dappula III.,
and 53. 4 by Udaya (afterwards U. III.) as nephew and heir
of Dappula IV. Vijayabahu I. grants his youngest brother
Jayabahu the rank of adipada (adipadapadam 59. 12), while
his brother next in age Virabahu receives the dignity of an
uparaja. Later on after the death of Virabahu (60. 86-88)
Jayabahu becomes uparaja and Vikkamabahu, Vijayabahu's
son, becomes adipada.
It is self understood that with the ascent of the throne
or more strictly speaking with the abMseJca, the consecration
of the king, the title of adipada lapses. Mahinda I. who
repudiates this ceremony is called adipada throughout the
whole of his reign (48. 31, 68).
The granting of the title seems to have some connection
with the coming of age. It is said at least of Kitti afterwards
Vijayabahu I. in 57. 61, that he attained the "rank of an
adipada" in his fifteenth year. Here the political conditions
of the time preclude the idea of an act on the part of the
reigning king. At first sight it may strike one as strange
that the title of adipada should be ascribed to Dappula, the
sister's son of Aggabodhi VI. 48. 90, 93 and also to his two
nephews 48. 116 who were otherwise (48. 110) designated
simply as "princes". According to the prevailing law Dappula
dignity of a rajinl and that she then had the building erected which
is mentioned in the verse.
Bo-5 XVIII 2>~o
has no claim to the succession, but as we shall see, he was
an ardent champion of another law. Thus he must have
claimed the title advisedly, as did his two relatives who on
their side declared themselves his legitimate heirs.
The eldest adipada, the one nearest the throne bears the
title of mahaadipada, mahddipada "grand adipada". Mahinda
as the eldest of the three younger brothers of Sena I. is so
named 50. 10, the two others, Udaya and Kassapa (see above),
are adipadas. Thus the title of mahddipada is closely allied
with the term yuvaraja. It is expressly said of this Mahinda
(50. 6) that he was yuvaraja. Udaya II. confers the dignity
of a mahadipada (makddipddathanamM tJmpi 51. 91) on his
brother Kassapa who in the sequel becomes his successor
(52. 1). For lack of an heir male Aggabodhi I. appoints his
sister's son of the same name maMdipdda (42. 38), and is
eventually succeeded by him on the throne. Kitti-Vijaya-
,bahu I. is in Rohana after the subjugation of his foes. But
henceforth he has the position of yuvaraja (ytwarajapade 58. 1)
until his consecration as king and bears the title of a mahadi-
pada (58. 7). The mahadipada of the usurper Dathopatissa
was according to 44. 136, his nephew Ratanadatha. But at
the same time Kassapa (afterwards K. II.) is described as
yuvaraja (44. 137) since as younger brother of the legitimate
king Aggabodhi III. Sirisamghabodhi he had the right to
the succession. The granting of the title mahadipada seems
from 67. 91 to have been a festive act, the prince receiving
a fillet which was obviously his special badge.
It may be mentioned that the two titles ddipdda and
maJiddipdda frequently occur1 in inscriptions in the forms
apa and
1 See WICKEEMASINGHE , EZ. I, Index s. vv. That maliaya also (see
1. c. p. 26, n. 4; p. 98, n. 5; p. 187, n. 6; p. 225, n. 3) should stand
for «
mahadipMa raises donbts. The disappearance of p in the joint of the
compound is surprising. In favour of the identification, meanwhile, is
the fact that the frequently occurring phrase apa mahaya siri vinda
(EZ. I, 25, 91, 221) is replaced in the inscription of the Jetavanarama
(EZ. I. 284) by ayipaya mahapaya siri mnda* CODRKJGTON has everyo~~£
XIX £?
The heir to the throne has as we have seen, the title
yuvaraja. This brings us to the question of the right of
succession obtaining in mediaeval Ceylon. But first a remark
on the relation of the term yuvaraja to that of uparaja.
In the first place I must point out that the investiture of
the uparaja was a solemn ceremony. The uparaja is "con-
secrated" like the king or the mahesi (Mdnam oparajje
'Hhmndya 44. 84; oparajje Jcumaram ca dbJiisifidttha 48. 42,
cf. 48. 69; Mahindam . . . oparajje 'bhisecayi 51. 7; cf. 51.12).
So far as I can see, the expression "consecrate" is never used
of the yuvaraja. One is yuvaraja either in virtue of the right
of succession or if necessary or desirable, the position of yu-
varaja is conferred like an office or a title (addsi yuvara-
jattam 49. 3; yuvarajapadam ada 52. 42, 53. 4, 54. 1 and 58);
one is nominated yuvaraja (yuvarajam oka 53. 28), appoint-
ed to the position (thapefva yuvarajatte 45. 23). It is self
understood that these expressions of a more general kind are
also used for the appointment of an uparaja (ex. 41. 93,
42. 6, 48. 32). The main point is that where a "consecration"
is spoken of (abM-sic) this has never reference to a yuvaraja
but always and without exception to an uparaja.
A yuvaraja is found in every reign along with the king.
Of a more limited number of rulers it is related that they
appointed an uparaja. Frequently the yuvaraja is invested
with this dignity. We can almost say that this was the rule,
so that the announcement of the appointment of an uparaja
contains the information that the individual in question was
at the same time the heir to the throne. Aggabodhi III.
consecrates his younger brother Mana (44. 84) uparaja, his
heir to the throne according to the law, and described later
(44.123) as yuvaraja. After Mana's premature death his next
youngest brother Kassapa becomes uparaja and yuvaraja (44.
124, 137). In the same way Mahinda is the uparaja of his
father Aggabodhi VII. and is called in the sequel yuvaraja
right to point to this passage "when he. explains Mayarattha as Mahadi-
pdda~rattha. . ?
?
B*P ? c£i
(48. 69, 75), The same is the case with, an unnamed son of
Mahinda II. who however dies before him. It Is related of
Vijayabahu I. that he first made his next youngest brother
uparaja (59. 11), thus acknowledging him as his heir, his
yuvaraja. On his death he transfers the dignity of uparaja
to the youngest brother Jayabahu (60. 86, 87), who is then
(61. 3) called yuvaraja.
In view of these instances the appointment of another
individual than the yuvaraja to be uparaja would seem to be
a rare exception due to very special circumstances. Agga-
bodhi I. for instance, appoints as uparaja his maternal uncle,
but the yuvaraja is his younger brother (42. 6) who is not
even named and presumably died Ibefore the king. Sena II.
consecrates as uparaja his younger brother Mahinda who was
also yuvaraja (51, 7, 13). After his quarrel with Mahinda he
transfers the dignity of uparaja to his own son Kassapa
(51. 12). In his disappointment at his experiences he probably
wished to exclude his brothers altogether from the succession
but this he fails to do, Mahinda remains nevertheless yuvaraja
and at his death his place is taken by the next youngest
brother of the king, Udaya (51. 63).
The matter, I think, is clear and just what one has from
the first expected. Yuvaraja is the legitimate heir to the
throne. The dignity of uparaja on the other hand, is a
position of trust carrying with is certain rights, apparently
a share in the business of government. It seems to have been
a matter of the king's pleasure whether to have such a support
in his royal office or not.
As to the right of succession, the rule was that the next
youngest brother of the king succeeded him on the throne.
Only when no other brother existed did the crown pass to
the next generation, and here again to the eldest son of the
eldest brother of the preceding generation. There are fre-
quent instances of such a sequence.
Aggabodhi V. is succeeded by his younger brother Kassapa III.
he being followed by the third brother Mahinda I. Then the
succession passes to the next generation and as Aggabodhio-3 XXI 3>-o
apparently left no son of equal rank, to Kassapa's son Agga-
bodhi VI, If he had had brothers capable of succeeding him,
they would have been his heirs. As this was not the case,
Aggabodhi VII. the son of Mahinda becomes king after him
(48. 1, 20, 26, 42, 68).
Sena II. has three brothers. Mahinda the eldest of them
is yuvaraja (51. 13). He dies however, before the king.
Hereupon the next brother Udaya II. becomes heir and suc-
cessor of Sena II. (51. 63, 90) and after him the youngest
brother Kassapa IV. (51, 91; 52. 1). Hereupon it is the turn
of the next generation and in the first instance the sons of
Sena II. ? Kassapa V., Dappula III. and Dappula TV., then
those of Mahinda ? Udaya III., Sena HI. and Udaya IV. Of
Kassapa V. it is expressly stated that he came to the throne
in regular succession, that is according to the existing law
(kamagato 52. 37). Udaya II. and Kassapa IV. seem to have
left no legitimate heirs. Thus after the death of Mahinda's
youngest son the sons of Kassapa V., Sena IV. (53. 39;
LankabMseJcani Tcamagatam 54. 1) and Mahinda IV. (54. 1, 7)
come to the throne.
After the three brothers ? Mahinda IIL, Aggabodhi VIII.
and Dappula II. ? had reigned in regular succession (49. 38,
43, 65) the crown went by rights to the like-named son of
the eldest of them. But Dappula desires to reserve it for his
own son. Hence he does not make the younger Mahinda (8)
adipada. That this was a breach of the law is clear from
49. 84. Mahinda betakes himself full of resentment to India.
An important point is the custom of bestowing on the
yuvaraja, the Southern Province ? Dakkhi^adesa ? that is
the region west of the central mountains as far as the sea-
coast (45.23; 50.49; 51.19; 52.1). This was after Ea-
jarattha economically and politically the most important pro-
vince in the kingdom, even more so than Eohana which
always maintained a more independent and special position.
Dakkhipadesa is in consequence directly described as yuvara-
jarattha 67. 26 and 79. 60. According to *CODRINGTON, as al-
ready mentioned above (p. xvm note), the name of Mayaraftha*-$ XXII
£>-s
which appears later (81.'15, 18, 62; 87. 24) would mean the
same, "being derived, as he explains, from MahadipadaraUha.
Without doubt the Sinhalese right of succession rests on
patriarchy. Nevertheless in Ceylon as ? elsewhere in India,
remnants of an older matriarchy have been preserved. This
is. particularly noticeable in the part played by the sister's
son, the lihagineyya. The fact of this relationship being de-
signated by a special term is in itself significant (Skr. bhagineya).
For a brother's sons no such term exists. They are merely
called sunavo. Thus Parakkamabahu is called (63. 51) the
son (sunu) of his uncle Kittisirimegha who again is called his
father (pita 63. 53). Their relationship to one another is
always described as that between father and son. The three
brothers Manabharana, Kittisirimegha and Sirivallabha are
even described as the "three fathers" of the youthful Parakkama-
bahu (64. 33, 55). One is reminded of the conditions of
ancient polyandry.
If a distinction is to be made between the unele who is
the father's elder brother, and between the father's younger
brother, the first is called the mahapita and the second the
cullapita. Thus Sena L is the maJiapita of Sena II. (51. 24).
The cousins who are the sons of two brothers call themselves
quite consistently brothers, as for instance, Aggabodhi VI.
and Aggabodhi VII. (48. 61), the sons of the brothers Kas-
sapa III. and Mahinda I. Thus Buddhaghosa calls Ananda
the brother of the Buddha because he was the son of his
uncle (Tafhagatassa IJiata GuUapitu-putto DCo. I. 4).
It is undoubtedly the case that the sister's son enjoyed a
certain preference: the last remnant of that special position
accorded to him under matriarchy. Dhatusena's sister's son
holds the important office of senapati and receives the king's
daughter in marriage (38. 81). In the same way Dappula II
marries his daughter Deva to his sister's son Kittaggabodhi
(49.71).
This remnant of an earlier matriarchy can at times be a
furthering or a dilturbing factor in the right of succession.
Aggabodhi L makes his brother yuvaraja and appoints hisc-
sister's son malayamja. Later on he gives him his daughter
in marriage and confers on him the dignity of mahadipada.
This sister's son afterwards ascends the throne as successor
of his uncle under the name of Aggabodhi H. (42. 6, 10,
38, 40). It is not necessary to assume a breach of the law
here. We may suppose that the younger brother of Agga-
bodhi L, the original yuvaraja, had died before him. As no
male heir existed, the crown might legally go to the relative
in the female line1.
The matter is somewhat different in the case of Kassapa II.
He had it is true, no younger brother but he had sons of
whom the eldest Manaka was his legal successor. As these
sons however were minors, he summons his sister's son Mana
from Rohana and entrusts him with his sons and with the
kingdom. Here we have a regency carried on however, after
Kassapa's death, not by Mana but by his father Dappula,
Kassapa's brother-in-law. The whole affair causes serious
disturbances in the kingdom (45. 6 ff.).
A zealous champion of matriarchy and of his claims to
the throne based on it was Dappula, the Wiagineyya of King
Aggabodhi VI. Silamegha. He waged a long and obstinate
fight with Mahinda II., Aggabodhi's son who was the legal
heir, no younger brother existing. He was supported in his
struggle by two sister's sons in Rohana who in their turn
hoped to become his heirs (48. 90, 98 ff.). Here we have
obviously matriarchy against patriarchy.
Of special interest is what is related as to the settlement
of the succession after the death of Vijayabahu I. (61. Iff.).
The yuvaraja is his youngest brother Jayabahu. If he ascend-
ed the throne then Vijayabahu's son Vikkamablhu who is
sojourning in Roharia, would be his heir and successor. But
now begin the intrigues of Mitti, the sister of Vijayabahu
and Jayabahu, who taking her stand on matriarchy seeks to
divert tlie crown to her line. In agreement with the highest
court officials she decides that Jayabahu shall indeed be con-
? l Parakkamabah'u I. is also succeeded by Ms bhagineyya Vijayabahu
(80. 1), since the male line is extinct. :*-$ XXVI
£-c
bably means a military official alongside of the civilian, the
governor of a man^ala^ of a larger or of a smaller district
(46. 31; 69. 5, 15) by which is apparently meant the smallest
division within a province, a rattka.
Nayaka would also seem to be a general term. It about
corresponds to the English "Colonel". Sirinaga the uncle of
Jetthatissa IIL, bears this title 44. 70. Vajiragga Is the nayaka
of Ildaya II (51. 105, 118) and Rukkha that of Kassapa IV.
(52. 31). Not infrequently nayaka is found in compounds
thus in Icaneiikinayaka (see note to 72. 58) "Head or chief of
the chamberlains", or in sankhanayaha (70, 278; 72. 31, 41;
75. 75), or in sanwaccharikanayalta "chief of the astrologers"
(57. 48). Kesadhatunayaka (see below) also perhaps denotes
a higher rank among the members of the Order of the
Kesadhatus. The function of the Jcammanayaka or JtammanatJia
(72. 58, 206; 74. 168) is not clear nor the meaning of the
title disavijayanayaka.
On the other hand it is probably certain that dan$anayaka
(dandanatJm) denotes an officer of high rank1. Our rendering
of it by "General" probably meets the case. Amongst the
commanders of Parakkamabahu the two brothers Kitti and
Samkhadhatu bear the title (70. 279 ff.) as also the Nagaragiri
Gokawa (70. 68) and others, (see note to 70. 5).
Head of the whole army is however the senapati2. His
position was without doubt one of extreme importance and
the king only granted it to a man in whom he had the fullest
confidence. Dhatusena appoints his sister's son senapati (38,81).
In the same way Parakkamabahu II. in the war against the
1 Danda must be taken In the meaning of "army". According to
J. J. METES (loc. cit. p. 398, n. 3; cf. also p. 834) the expression danda-
ndyl should also be inserted in the Kautaliya, the same as the net a
dandasya of Kamandaka. Here also a corps-commander Is meant,
2 In tfhajinipati we have nothing but a synonym for senapati. In
the translation I have always therefore inserted "senapati". In the
Kautaliya (10, 6) the senapati has not a commanding position. He is
here commander of 10 padikas(?) and there are 10 senapatis under one
nayaka, Cf. J. J, MEYER, 1. c. p. 586. SHAMASASTKY differs somewhat,
'Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 452.o-cB XXVII &~*
Javakas, entrusts the highest command in the army1 to his
sister's son Virabahu (83. 41). I do not think however, that the
conclusion is warranted that this position was reserved for the
'bhagineyya. He could indeed become senapati if he had the
necessary qualifications and If he possessed the confidence of
the monarch, but the king was not bound in his choice by
conditions of relationship. Udaya who had distinguished him-
self by his courage, was made senapati by his father Mahinda II.
(48. 154), just as Mahinda, afterwards Mahinda II., was made
senapati by his father Aggabodhi VI. Our chronicle mentions
a whole series of senapatis by name without saying whether and
how they were related to the king (48. 78). Migara is the sena-
pati of Kassapa I. (39. 6), Uttara that of Moggallana I. (39. 58),
Vajira of Dappula II. (49. 80), Bhadda of Sena I. (50. 82),
Kutthaka of Sena II. (51. 88), Rakkhaka Ilanga of Dappula IY.
(53. 11), the nayaka Viduragga of Udaya IV. (53. 46), Sena
of Mahinda IV. (54. 13), Deva of Parakkamabahu I (70. 123),
Mitta of Vijayabahu IV. (90. 2). Of Sena Ilanga, the sena-
pati of Kassapa IV. it is merely said that he belonged to the
royal family (52. 16). It would be very remarkable if in all
these cases or even In the majority of them the fthagineyya
should be meant and the chronicler not mention the fact.
A special title is that of saJcJcasenapati2. Kassapa V. ap-
points as such his own son (saJclcasenapatitthanam datva 52. 52;
cf. 52. 61, 64, 72, 74). After his death the dignity is trans-
ferred to his son, thus to Kassapa's grandson (52. 79). I believe
we have the same title in the saksenevl of the Bilibeva
inscription (EZ. II. 40 ff.). A synonym of sakJcasenapati Is
saKkasenanl (54. 53). Difficult of explanation is the term
andhasenapati which occurs but once (41. 87). I am Inclined
to think that Andha here is the Skr. andkra, the name of a
people which occurs along with such as pulinda and sabam.
1 The title senapati Is, however, not used here.
2 The word means "senapati of Sakka" (the King of the gods),
denotes therefore very high rank. We may infer from its meaning
that it was merely a title and not the name of an office with special
functions.~3 XXX. £?
Only once is mention made of a ga^akamacca (76. 39).
This as the etymology shows, was apparently an official whose
business was finance or accounts. In the Mahabharata the
ganaka (BR. s. v.) is placed side by side with the lelchaka. It
is difficult to say what sabhapati1 (67. 64, 70) or sabhanayaJca
(thus 67. 61, 80) stands for. The context shows almost cer-
tainly that it denoted an officer of very high rank.
In conclusion I mention some terms which, are manifestly
nothing but honorary titles, bestowed by the king for public
services such as those in war. In the first rank of these is
the title Jcesadhatu. I have noticed it in the note to 57. 65.
It is a distinction corresponding to our orders. It may have
originated in the members of the Order being entrusted with
the care of the Hair Relic. See above p. xxvi. Later on this
became a mere formality. It is doubtful whether Jcesadhatu
in the meaning of "member of the K. Order" is an abbrevia-
tion for kesadJidtundydka or whether this last term denotes a
higher rank within the Order.
Several of the titles are joined with the word giri (Skr.
gin) or gallq (Sinh. gala). It is not impossible that in such
titles names of localities are meant as in the family names of
our nobility. Very frequent is the title nagaragiri or nagara-
galla (see note to 66. 35). Again we have maragiri (note to
72.11), lankagiri (note to 72. 27), nllagiri (note to 70. 137),
lokagalla (note to 72. 222) and the uncertain jitagiri. All these
are verifiable as place names: Nagaragalla (48. 36), Maragalla
(55.26) or Mirapabbata (48.129), Lankagiri (70.88) or -pabbata
(66. 80), Nilagiri (70. 20; 72. 12) or -galla (70. 14, 16, 83)
and Lokagalla (74. 79, 81, 83, 166).
In addition lankdpura seems to have been a title (see note
to 70. 218) and such are most certainly the terms lafiMnatha,
lankadhina^ha^ lanMdhinayaha (see note to 70. 24), as also
'lanMdMkarin (see note to 70. 278). The last, it is worth
noting, denotes a higher degree in rank.
1 P..sa"bhd means "hall, assembly room". In Sanskrit tlie word is
also used lor a "law court". Sabhapati might therefore denote a high
legal official, . ..
.? '.XXXI
Contents of Chapters 37-72
Chap. 37
Sirimeghavan$a atones for the wrongs done to the
bhikkhus of the Mahavihara by his father Mahasena (51-63).-~
Buildings erected by the king (64-5). ? Erection of a golden
image of Mahinda (66-86). ? Further works (87-91). ? The
Tooth Relic comes to Ceylon (92-7). ? Further meritorious
works of the king (98-9). ? King Jetthatissa L, a skilled
carver in ivory (100-4). ? Buddhadasa's meritorious works
(105-11). ? Marvellous healing of men and animals (112-44).
? Further meritorious works, propitiation of one who had been
his foe in a former life (145-74). ? The thera Mahadhamma-
kathin (175). ? Eighty sons of the king named after the
disciples of the Buddha (176-8). ? Upatissa I. His meri-
torious works (179-88). ? Saves the land from drought
(189-98). ? Clemency of the king, also towards criminals
(199-208). ? Mahanama and his architectural works (209
-14). ? History of Buddhaghosa (215-48).
Chap. 38
Sotthisena murdered by his sister who places her hus-
band, the king's umbrella-bearer, on the throne in his stead
(1-3). ? Mittasena (4-10). ? The Damila Pa^du (11-3). ?
History of Dhatusena's youth (14-28). ? Successors of Pa$du:
Parinda, Khuddaparinda, Tlritara, Dathiya, Pfthiya
(29-34).? Dhatusena, his architectural works, construction
of the Kalavapi and other meritorious deeds (35-79). ?
His sons Kassapa and Moggallana, flight of Moggallana to
Jambudlpa (80-6). ? Dhatusena dethroned and slain by
Kassapa; his fate the consequence of a wrong done to a
bhikkhu (87-115).c-~3 XXXII &~°
Chap. 39
Kassapa I. founds Slhagiri; lie seeks to expiate his parro-
cide by pious actions (1-19). ? Moggallana comes from
Jambudlpa; Kassapa defeated in battle dies by his own hand
(20-8). ? Moggallana I. performs meritorious works, punishes
the adherents of Kassapa, builds viharas (29-43). ? History
of Silakala; he brings the Hair Eelic to Ceylon (44-56). ?
End of Moggallana (57-9).
Chap. 41
Kumaradhatusena, Kittisena, Siva reign meritoriously
(1-5). ? Upatissa II. makes Silakala his son-in-law; his
son is Kassapa (6-9). ? Revolt of Silakala; Kassapa losing
the battle commits suicide. Death of Upatissa (10-25). ?
Silakala; his meritorious works (26-32). ? His three sons
(33-6). ? The Dhammadhatu comes to Ceylon (37-41). ?
Silakala's second son Dathapabhuti seizes the sovereignty;
murders his younger brother and is attacked by his elder
brother Moggallana. Duel of the brothers. Dathapabhuti
takes his own life (42-53).? Moggallana IL; his reverence
for the teaching of the Buddha, his meritorious works (54-63).
? His son Kittisirimegha. Disturbances in the kingdom
(64-8).? History of Mahanaga (69-90). ? Mahanaga slays
the king and seizes the throne (91-3). ? Meritorious works
of Mahanaga (94-103).
Chap. 42
Aggabodhi L; his character and his meritorious works
(1-34), ? The thera Jotipala and the adipada Dathapabhuti
(35-9). ? Aggabodhi II. The Kalinga King comes with
his consort to Ceylon and is received into the Order by Joti-
pala (40-50). ? The Thuparama damaged; the king erects
a temple for the Collar bone Relic (51-60). ? Further meri-
torious works (61-69).o-^3 XXXIII £~-o
Chap. 44
Samghatissa becomes king. Moggallana the senapati of
Aggabodhi II. revolts against him and gains the upper hand
through the treachery of Samghatissa's general (1-21). ?
Moggallana III. as king has a young son of Samghatissa's
mutilated (22-7). ? Another son Jetthatissa escapes to Malaya.
Samghatissa himself with a third son and his minister are
caught during flight and beheaded (28-43). ? Meritorious
works of Moggallana III. (44-52). ? The king quarrels with
the treacherous general and has him mutilated. The general's
son joins Jetthatissa, defeats Moggallana and while Jetthatissa
remains in Malaya, ascends the throne under the name of
Silameghavaiin.a (53-64). ? His meritorious works (65-9).
? Sirinaga an uncle of Jetthatissa comes with a Damila army
but is defeated (70-3). ? Divisions in the Abhayagiri-vihara,
purification of the Church (74-81). ? The king's death (82). ?
Succeeded by his son Aggabodhi III. Sirisamghabodhi. Revolt
of Jetthatissa; Aggabodhi flees to Jambudipa (83-94). ? Reign
of Jetthatissa II. (95-102). ? Aggabodhi comes from Jam-
budipa, Jetthatissa is defeated and takes his life (103-12). ?
His minister does likewise; the queen also dies (113-7). ?
Second reign of Aggabodhi III.; his meritorious works (118-22).
? After the murder of Mana the king's younger brother
Kassapa is appointed yuvaraja (123-4). ? Dathopatissa I.
revolts and drives out the king (125-9). ? The wars of the
two kings damage the country; violent actions of Dathopatissa
and Kassapa; death of Aggabodhi III. (130-44). ? KassapaII.
becomes king after defeating Dathopatissa and makes good
his former misdeeds (145-51). ? Last attempt of Dathopatissa
to regain the throne and his death (152-5).
Chap. 45
Meritorious works of Kassapa II; the thera Mahadhamma-
kathin (1-5). ? The king entrusts kingdom and sons to his
nephew Mana and dies (6-10). ? Revolt of the Damilas,
While Mana raises his father Dappal a I., to. the ? throne,
Co-<3 XXXIY 8>-«
Hatthadatha a nephew of Dathopatissa I. comes from Jam-
budlpa and seizes the sovereignty (11-21). ? He reigns as
Dathopatissa II. His conflict with the bhikkhus of the
Mahavihara; his death (22-37). ? Early history of Dappnla L;
his meritorious works in Roharia (38-82).
Chap. 46
Aggabodhi IV. Sirisamghabodhi becomes king; his cha-
racter; meritorious works of himself and his officials (1-33). ?
His death (34-8). ? The Damila Potthakuttha raises at first
Datta and later Hatthadatha to the throne while carrying
on the government himself (39-47).
Chap. 47
History of Manavamma. He goes to Jambudipa, enters
the service of Narasiha and becomes his friend (1-14). ? He
supports him in his war with Vallabha (15-27). ? Out of
gratitude Narasiha gives him an army with which to gain
the sovereignty in Ceylon. The army however leaves him in
the lurch and he has again to seek refuge in Jambudipa
(28-41). ? He returns with a freshly equipped army to Ceylon
and gains the victory. Hafcthadatha is slain by the populace,
Potthakuttha kills himself (42-61). ?- Manavamma as king
(62-66).
Cha|). 48
Aggabodhi V. and his works (1-19). ? Eeign of Kassapa
IIL (20-5), ? Mahinda I. rules as adipada without adopting
the royal title (26-38). ? Aggabodhi VI. Silamegha. he
quarrels with a cousin of the same name; war and reconciliation
of the two (39-54). ? Conflict with a third Aggabodhi
(55-63). ? Meritorious works of the king (64-7). ? Agga-
bodhi VII. and his deeds (68-75). ? Mahinda IL reigns at
first in the name of the widowed queen (76-89). ? He twice
defeats Dappula the sister's son of his father (90-112). ? The
king marries the queen dowager and begets with her a son
whom he makes uparaja (113-5). ? A renewed struggle with
Dappula ends with a treaty (116-32). ? Meritorious works«53 XXXV
£-0
of the king (133-48). ? After the death of the uparaja
the king transfers the dignity to an elder son of the period
of his regency (149-60).
Chap. 49
The uparaja, probably U day a I. becomes king; he crushes
a rebellion; weds his daughter Deva to a prince Mahinda of
Rohana (1-13). ? Meritorious works of the king and his
consort (14-37). ? His son Mahinda III. becomes king
(38-42). ? Aggabodhi VIII.; his meritorious works (43-50).
? His reverence for his mother (51-61). ? Further proofs
of his noble character (62-4). ? Dappula II. supports
Kittaggabodhi in gaining possession of Rohana (65-73). ?
Meritorious works of the king and of the Senapati Vajira
(74-82). ? Aggabodhi IX.; Mahinda, son of Mahinda III.
who would have been the rightful successor flees to Jambudlpa
(83-6). ? Meritorious works of the king (87-93).
Chap. 50
Sena I. His meritorious works. Removal of Mahinda.
Younger brothers of the king (1-7). ? Revolt of Udaya and
reconciliation (8-11). ? Incursion of the Pandu king. Is
successful in battle. Sena flees to Malaya. The Yuvaraja
Mahinda kills himself, his brother Kassapa wins through. The
capital occupied and plundered by the Damilas (12-37). ?
After making a treaty with Sena the Pandu king retires with
great booty. Sena returns to the capital and settles the suc-
cession (38-49). ? Dynastic strife in Rohana, intermarriage
with the Rohana line (50-60). ? Meritorious works of the
royal couple and of their minister (61-87).
Chap. 51
Sena II., his character, his family (1-21). ? Conceives
the plan of a war of retaliation against the Damilas (22-6).
? Supporting a Pandu prince in his claims to the throne,
he sends his senapati with an army to the Continent. Madhura
is taken and plundered and the captured treasures brought
*-$ XXXVI £~c
back to Ceylon (27-51). ? The Pamsukulika bhikkhus of the
Abhayagiri found a special sect (52). ?- Meritorious works of
the Yuvaraja Mahinda; his death (53-62). ? Meritorious works
of the king, of his consort and of his senapati (63-89). ?-
Udaya II. Intermarriages in the royal family (90-3). ?
Kittaggabodhi revolts and seizes Rohana. The king sends a
great nephew against him. Conquest of Rohana (94-125). ?
Punishment of the rebels; meritorious works of the king
(126-36).
Chap. 52
Kassapa IV. and his family (1-3). ? Revolt of Prince
Mahinda in Rohana and reconciliation with him (4-9). ?
Purification of the Church (10). ? Meritorious works of the
king and of his dignitaries (11-36). ? KassapaV. Meri-
torious works of the king, honouring of the sacred scriptures.
Meritorious works of relatives of the royal family (37-69). ?
Kassapa supports the Pa$du king in war against the Cola
king; his army obliged to return in consequence of a pestilence
(70-82).
Chap. 53
Dappula III. dies after a short reign (1-3). ? Dappula IVr.
harbours the Pan
Uparaja Sena abuses the right of asylum of the Tapovana;
the bhikkhus betake themselves to Rohanu (13-5). ? The
Uparaja with his friend forced to flee thither from the enrag-
ed populace. Reconciliation with the priests and return to
the capital (16-27). ? Sena III. Meritorious works (28-38).
? Udaya IV. Invasion of the Colas, flight of the king to
Rohana. Retreat of the Colas after an unsuccessful attack on
Rohana (39-45). ? The senapati of the king, Viduragga
undertakes a campaign in the Cola country (46-7). ? Meri-
torious works of Udaya (48-52).
Chap. 54
Sena IV. His character and his works (1-6). ? Ma-
hinda IV- marries a Kalinga princess. His war with the Colao-<£ xxxvn
e>-c
prince Vallabha ended by a treaty (7-16). ? Honour sliown
by Mm to distinguished theras and many other meritorious
works of the king, as of the Queen Kitti and of her son and
of the Sakkasenapati (17-56). ? Sena V. Conflict with the
senapati Sena because the king makes Udaya senapati instead
of him (57-61). ? The-king forced to flee to Rohana. Sena
favours the Damilas on whose support he relies. The king
dismisses Udaya, makes friends with Sena and returns to the
capital (62-9). ? Drinks himself to death (70-3).
Chap. 55
It a hind a V. reigns in Anuradhapura. Mutiny of the
Kerala mercenaries. The king flees to Rohana. The other
provinces ravaged by the licentious soldiery (1-12). ? The
Cola king exploits these disturbances. He invades the country,
plunders it and seizes the king, his consort and all valuables
(13-22). ? The generals Kitti and Buddha organize success-
ful resistance in Rohana in favour of Prince Kassapa (23-32).
? Mahinda dies after a twelve years' captivity in the Cola
country (33-4).
Chap. 56
Kassapa VI. Vikkamablhu prepares a campaign against
the Colas, but dies before accomplishing it (1-6). ? He is
succeeded by the usurpers Kitti, Mahalanakitti, Vikkama-
papcju, Jagatipala and Parakkama. They are restricted
to Rohana, the Colas are masters of the country (7-17),
Chap, 57
General Loka prince in Rohana (1-2). ? Early history
of Kittij the later Vijayabahu: Kassapa and his sons Mana-
vamma and Mana (3-26). ? Kassapa husband of Lokita,
father of Moggallana and Loka (27-30). ? A grandson of
Dathopatissa becomes a bhikkhu and gains a high reputation
(31-9). ? Kitti, son of Moggallana and Lokita, the daughter
of Bodhi gives early proofs of his heroism. Becomes chief
opponent of Loka (40-64). ? After Loka's death he conquersc-£
XXXVIII g>-c
and slays Kassapa who was about to seize the sovereignty and
becomes himself lord of Rohana (65-76).
Chap. 58
Kitti rules in Rohana under the name of Vijayabahu.
Evades an attack by the Colas (1-6). ? Prepares for war
(7-10). ? Defeats a second Cola army sent against him.
Advances on Pulatthinagara but has again to abandon it
(11-32). ? After suppressing a revolt in Rohana he fights
a decisive action (33-39). ? Ably supported by his generals
he takes Anuradhapura and Pulatthinagara, the Colas give up
the fight (40-59).
Chap. 59
The kingdom made secure, preparations for the coronation,
suppression of the revolt of Adimalaya (1-6). ? After his
consecration as king in Anuradhapura Vijayabahu returns to
Pulatthinagara. Adopts the name of Sirisamghabodhi (7-10).
? Granting of titles to his brothers and of offices to his
followers (11-4). ? Suppression of a rebellion in Rohana,
Malaya and Dakkhi^adesa (15-22). ? Wives and children of
the king (23?33). ? Perceives signs in his daughter Ratana-
vali that she will become the mother of a famous son (34-9).
? Marries his daughters, Ratanavaii and Lokanatha, to the
sons of his sister. Further marriages of a dynastic character
(40-51).
Chap. 60
Vijayabahu's architectural works. Cares for the Church by
fetching bhikkhus from Ramafina. Further meritorious works
(1-23). ? The Cola king ill-treats envoys of King Vijaya-
bahu. The latter arms for war. A revolt of the Velakkaras
is bloodily suppressed (24-44). ? At the coast he awaits in
vain the arrival of the Colas (45-7). ? Tanks repaired by
the king, ecclesiastical buildings erected, condign punishment
of the niahesi who had disturbed the peace of the viharas
(48-62). ? The road to Samantakuta rendered safe, meri-
torious works for the good of the priesthood, encouragement
of the art of poetry, support of the poor (63-82). ? Works0-^3 XXXIX
£-°
of the king's followers (83-5). ? Death of Vijayabahu after
settling the succession (86-91).
Chap. 61
Manabharana and his two brothers make Jayabahu king
to the exclusion of Vikkamabahu. Yikkamabahu conquers
them and seized Pulatthinagara (1-20), ? The brothers divide
Rohana and Dakkhinadesa between them, renew the war but
are again beaten (21-35). ? Invasion of Viradeva who ad-
vances as far as Pulatthinagara but is finally defeated by
Vikkamabahu (36-47). ? Anarchy in the country, many
bhikkhus taking with them the tooth and alms-bowl relics
seek refuge along with members of noble houses in Rohana
(48-73).
Chap. 62
Jayabahu's death, children of Vallabha and Manabharana
(1). ? Dreams of Manabharana and his consort presage the
birth of a distinguished son (2-29). ? Good works of Mana-
bharana; pregnancy of Ratanavall; birth of a boy who re-
ceives the name of Parakkamabahu (30-52). ? At the news
of this Vikkamabahu desires to bring up the child at his
court; refusal of the father (53-66). ? Death of Manabharana
Virabahu (67).
Chap. 63
Kittisirimegha, the second brother takes over the province
ruled by Manabharana, Dakkhinadesa; the third, Sirivallabha
takes over Rohana with the capital Mahanagahula together
with the upbringing of Parakkama. Marries Manabhara^ta's
daughters to his son (1-17). ? In Pulatthinagara Gajabahu
ascends the throne; successfully repulses attacks by Kitti-
sirimegha and Sirivallabha (18-37). ? Parakkamabahu's youth.
The prince leaves the court of Sirivallabha and betakes him-
self to his uncle Kittisirimegha in Sankhanayakatthali (38-53).
Chap. 64
Kittisirimegha and his nephew Parakkamabahu visit the
general Sankha in Badalatthali; celebration of the upanayanao~3 XL
g>-«
festival for the prince (1-17). ? Death of Sirivallabha. Is
succeeded in Rohana by his son, the younger Manabliarana.
Each of BL's two wives bears him a son (18-24). ? Parakkama-
bahu's ambition aroused by the history of the heroes of
antiquity. To gather information as to the political condi-
tions in Kajarattha he decides to go thither in person and
leaves the town by night (25-64).
Chap. 65
The prince meets his followers at the appointed trysting-
place and comes to Badalatthali (1-26). ? General Sankha
is surprised, receives the prince nevertheless with due honours.
As Parakkama however fears betrayal by him he has him
slain (27-37). ? Great consternation at the deed. A soldier
desirous of avenging Sankha is hewn down (37-44).
Chap. 66
Parakkama proceeds farther to Buddhagama (1-19). ?
Subdues the resistance of the inhabitants (20-34). ? The
commander of Kalavapi, Grokanna, visits the prince. Frighten-
ed however, by a dream he flees by night to Kalavapi. His
people follow him (35-56). ?? Kittisirimegha determines to
fetch the Prince back by force but Parakkama ambushes the
troops sent to seize him and cuts them up (57-77). ? There
follows a series of further skirmishes until the Prince at Jana-
pada reaches the territory of Grajabahu (78-111).? Gajabahu
receives him with honour. Parakkama now seeks by syste-
matic espionage to discover the temper of the king's subjects
and does the same in the society in which he moves (112-45).
? He fetches his sister Bhaddavatl from Rohana. Marries her
to the king thus gaining his confidence and makes himself
everywhere popular (146-58).
Chap. 67
By his determination the prince subdues a mad buffalo.
Sis courage universally admired (1-8). ? He decides to return
to Dakkhi$adesa in order to seize the kingdom from there.-<< XLI g~
Gajabahu has no inkling of his plans (9-31). ? Flight from
Pulatthinagara. All kinds of adventures on the way give the
prince the opportunity of showing his courage (32-54). ?
Kittisirimegha sends people to receive him, his mother Ratana-
vali fetches him in person (55-82). ? Death of Kittisirimegha;
Parakkamabahu in the dignity of the mahadipada (83-96).
Chap. 68
Parakkama furthers culture in Dakkhi^adesa; builds dams
on the Jajjara river and widens the Pariclavapi tank (1-42). ?
Erection of further dams and constructions for increasing the
productive power of the country (43-59).
Chap. 69
Military preparations in particular by organisation of re-
cruiting in the various districts of the country (1-38).
Chap. 70
Parakkama through his generals extends his dominion over
Malaya. First encounter with Gajabahu (1-29). ?......- Adventure
with an elk during the chase (30-52). ? Parakkamabahu
opens the campaign against Rajarattha. His generals fight
those of Gajabahu along the frontier from the pearl districts
in the west as far as Alisara in the east (53-172). ? Parakkama
determines to attack Pulatthinagara. Manabliara^ia of Rohapa
supports him. The town taken after severe fighting, the king
captured and generously treated (173-250).-? Embittered at
the looting of their town the inhabitants summon Manabhara^a.
He comes, seizes all Gajabahu's powers, takes him prisoner
and plans to remove him. Gajabahu begs for Parakkama's
protection, whose generals take Pulatthinagara a second time
and set Gajabahu free. Manlbharaipa escapes to Roha$a
(251-310). ? Gajabahu tries once more to recover the so-
vereignty. Once more vanquished, he seeks the bhikkhus as
mediators (811-86).»<- XLII <>-<<
Chap. 71
Death of Gajabafau, Parakkamabahu king (1-5). ?
Gajabahu's followers summon Manabharana to their support;
Parakkama secures the frontier along the Mahavalukaganga
against him (6-18). ? Parakkama undergoes consecration at
the express wish of his ministers (19-32).
Chap. 72
Combats at the different fords of the Mahavalukaganga
(1-54). ? Parakkama sends his generals against Roha$a also
from the Pancayojana province (55-64). ? Revolt of Narayana
in Anuradhapura quickly crushed by Parakkama (65-9). ?
Manabharana succeeds in crossing the Mahavalukaganga and
there follows a series of chequered combats. Parakkama
forced eventually to give up Pulatthinagara (70-147).? Forced
back to the frontiers of Dakkhinadesa, Parakkama opens a
new attack on the capital. His generals fight numerous
battles (148-204). ? Manabharana at bay. Decisive action
at Mihiranabibbila; a fortification erected by General Rakkha.
Manabharana flees secretly to Rohana, triumphant entry of
Parakkamabahu into Pulatthinagara (205-800). ? Death of
Manabharaga. Before dying he advises his relatives to give
up the resistance to Parakkama (301-10). ? Parakkamabahu
celebrates his second coronation (311-29).TO THE EXALTED ONE, THE PERFECT
ONE
THE FULLY ENLIGHTENED ONE
REVERENCE!
CHAPTER XXXVII
(Continuation)
THE SIX KINGS
So after the Ruler Mahasena1 had in consequence of "his 51
association with impious people, done good and evil all his
life, he went according to his doing2. Therefore should the 52
wise man shunning from afar as a poisonous serpent, the
company of the impious, do speedily that which tends to his
own salvation. Thereupon his son Sirimeghavanna3 be- 53
1 There is not the slightest doubt that with v. 51 the work of the
continuator of the old Mahavamsa begins. We must assume that ori-
ginally an ornate strophe followed 37, 50 as conclusion of Mahanama's
work. The continuator like his successors (cf. 79- 84; 90. 102), veiled
the gap. The content of the lost strophe is apparent from v. 51?52,
as also from the last verse of the Dipavamsa (22. 76), which Bhamma-
kitti seems to have taken as his starting-point.
2 P. gato yathdJcammam "he went according to his kamma" a fre-
quent expression (of. JaCo. I 10911, 15313, 1786; II. 31311 etc.) with re-
ference to the five gati or forms of rebirth ... 1. in Hell, 2. as animal,
3. as peta "ghost", 4. as man, 5. as deva ,,god". Here one must bear in
mind that kamma "doing11 is for Buddhist readers or hearers a technical
term, ?he conception for the sum of all our good and evil deeds in the
latest as in the former existences. Our rebirth, our whole fate is
determined by "komma which is distinctly held to be something concrete.
3 King Siri Mekavana Aba is mentioned in the Inscription of
DebeLgala (20 miles 1. N. E. of Anuradhapura) which is dated in the
first year of Ms reign... ED. MC?LLBR (AlC., p. 30) attributes the inscrip-
12 Sirimegliavanna
37.54
came king, bestowing like Manclhatar1 all kinds of blessings
54 on the world. In the Mahavihara which Mahasena fallen un-
der the influence of evil people, had destroyed, he gathered
55 together the whole of the bhikkhus, went thither himself,
greeted them respectfully, seated himself and asked them full
of reverence: "What then has been destroyed by my father
56 in company with Samghamitta?" The bhikkhus answered the
Lord of men: "Although thy father strove to bring about the
57 removal of the boundary2, he was unable to do so, as there
were still bhikkhus within the boundary. Seven bhikkhus
58 namely, were hidden here in an underground room. The mi-
nister So$a and the still worse Samghamitta3 influenced the
tion to the king Gothabbaya (Mhvs. 36. 98). There are however, not
far from Debel-gala at Timbiriveva two further inscriptions in which
our Sirimeghavanna is undoubtedly mentioned. BELL, ASC. VII th Rep.
1891 = SP. XIIL 1896, p. 50. Sirimeghavanna is further mentioned in
a Chinese source, in the Hing-Tchoan of Wang Hiuen-tse under the
name of Chi-nii-Ma-po-me ("cloud of merit'1)* He is said to have sent
two Bhikkhus to India to the King San-maon-to-lo-kiu-to, that is Sa-
mudragupta (who reigned according to V. A. SMITH approximately bet-
ween 345 and 380 A. D.)» asking him to provide shelter there for the
Sinhalese monks who were on a pilgrimage to the sacred tree at Bo-
gaya, Cf, SYLYAIN LEVI, JAs. 1900, p. 316 sqq.; J. M. SENAVERATKE,
JRAS. C, B. XXIV, Nr. 68, 1, p. 75; H. W. COBRINGTON, Short History of
Ceylon, J>. 29.
1 A legendary king of the dynasty of Mahasammata, son of Upo-
aatha. His story is told in the Mandhatn-Jitaka (Nr. 258 = JaCo. IL
310 ff.),. which is again quoted in DhCo. III. 2405. The name Mandha-
tar occurs already in the Rigveda, In the Anguttara-Nikaya (A. II. 17)
Mandhatar is described as aggo ftamabhoginam.
2 P, simdy' ugghatanam. What is meant here is the boundary of
the enclosure of the .Mahavihara. The verb ugghdteti means *'to put on
one side, to set aside", as for instance, ghatikwn, the door bolt, Tin. II.
20710? III. 1192
lastly *sfco make known, to reveal", eg. atUabhavc DhCo. IV. 5i2. The
removal of the boundaries would only have been legal? if the bbikkhns
themselves had given up the vihSra.
3 The Thera Samghamitfca belonged to the Vetnlla sect and worked
together with his lay disciple Soip, for the advantage of the Abhayagiri-
vihara against the bhikkhus of the Mahavihlra. See Mhvs, 36.110 ff., 87,1
ff.37.62 Sirimeghavanna
3
king and determined him to do evil. They destroyed the splen- 59
did seven-storeyed Lohapasada1 as well as various other buil-
dings and carried off (the material) to the Abhayagiri (-vihara)2.
In the court of the Cetiya3 where four Buddhas had sojourned, 60
the deluded ones had mungo beans planted; behold (in its
consequences) the intercourse with fools." When the King 61
heard of these doings of his father, he being averse himself
from all association with fools, had everything which his father
had destroyed, restored in its original form. To begin with, 62
he set up the Lohapasada, making visible as it were, the
magnificent palace of Mahapanada4 on (the island of) Sihala.
1 The Lohapasada was laid out by King Devanampiyatissa as dwel-
ling for tne inmates of the Mahavihara (Mhvs. 27. 4 ff,). There are
1600 monolithic stone columns still standing which formed the frame-
work of the lowest storey. As the inmost pillars are the strongest, and
had thus evidently the heaviest weight to bear, we may suppose the
building to have been a stepped pyramid. The upper storeys were ap-
parently of wood and were covered with plates of copper. Hence the
name "Brazen Palace". The word pdsdda is applied to all larger buil-
dings of several storeys. The meaning "palace" though not always
appropriate, is of course so whenever, as below v. 62, the pdsdda of a
prince is meant. That the Lohapasada was in the main built of perish-
able material is proved by the fact that under Saddhatissa (77?59 B. C.)
it was destroyed by fire and had to be rebuilt.
2 Abhayagiri is without doubt the northern of the three large thupas
in Anuradhapura, Jetavana the eastern, not conversly. The question
was admirably treated recently by A. M. HOCAKT (Mem. ASC. I. 10 ff.).
A reference might still be made to Mhvs. 37. 33 where it reads: Mahd-
'GiharasSmante uyydne Jotindmake Jetavanavihdram so vdriyanto pi Jcarayi.
This of course is applicable only to the eastern not to the northern thupa.
3 Regarding the untranslated termini (here cetiya) see Mhvs. trsL,
Appendix D, p. 292 if. Cetiya and thupa are used synonymously for the
bell-shaped structures designed to hold relics. The fundamental form.
was without doubt the burial mound.
4 A legendary king of the Mahasammata dynasty (Mhvs. 2. 4). An
account of his splendid palace (yupa) is given in the verses Thag. 163-4
= Ja. II. 334 (Mahapanadajataka). It was sunk in the Ganges at Pa-
yaga, A legend relates of the Thera Bhaddaji that to prove his mira-
culous strength, he raised the palace with his toes out of the bed of
the stream and shoved it to the astonished people. (Ja. II. 333; Mhvs.
SL 7 ffJ4 Sirimeghavanna
87.68
63 He built up all the demolished parivei^as1 and fixed the re-
64 venues of the helpers of the monastery2 as heretofore. The
wise (SirimeghavaTOa) refilled the vihara which had become
sparsely inhabited through his unwise father having stinted it
65 of necessaries. In the vihara begun by his father in Jotivana3
66 the monarch had all unfinished work completed. Now when
the Ruler of men had heard from the beginning the whole
history of the Thera Mahinda, the (spiritual) son of the Ruler
67 of the Samaras (Buddha), he felt a believing joy in his merit
in having brought the island to the faith and thought: "Of
68 a truth the Thera is lord over the island". .He then had an
image of gold made corresponding with the size of Mahinda
69 and brought it to the Ambatthala-cetiya4, so called after the
mango tree of the Thera5. There he left it on the eighth
70 day. But on the ninth day he took a great host like to an
army of the gods, as also the women of the harem and the
71 inhabitants of the town, save the watchmen, gathered together
also all the bhikkhus in Lankadipa, and freed the people who
1 Parivena (Sinh. pirivena) denotes now a building intended for the
instruction of the bhikkhus. That parwena originally, or at any rate
in early times, must have denoted more than the single cell inhabited
by a bhikkhu is clear from 37. 172.
2 P. aramikanam. The drdmik-d had to do work for the monastery
and to keep it in order. See Vin. I. 206 ff. ? Of. Vin. II. 21123 ff. the
grades 'bhiWm?satnanera?ardmikd.
3 What is meant here is the Jetavana-vibara which was built ac-
cording to Mhvs. 37. 33, by Mahasena in the Jotivana which lies outside
the southern gate of the town of Anuradhapura (Mhvs. 15. 202. See the
note on 37. 59.) A special Jotivana-vihara did not exist. C£ also
below
52, 59 with note.
4 Getiyambathale (so also v* 69, 74). Probably a mere inversion for
AmbattJialacetiye metri causa. The Ambatthalaeetiya stands on a terrace
of the MIssaka hill, now Mihintale (8 miles east of Anuradhapura) below
the highest summit, on the spot where according to the legend, the
emissary Mahinda converted King Devanampiyatissa. to the doctrine of
the Buddha.
5 By the riddle of the mango tree (Mhvs, 14,17 ff.) the Thera Mahinda
put the King's discernment to the proof. Even now there are mango
trees planted near the Ambatthalaeetiya in memory of the event.37.81
Siritneghavanna
5
were in prison in the town. Then he instituted a great alms- 72
giving for all living beings, and celebrating with all oflFerings
a matchless sacrifice, he went forth to greet the master of 73
the island, the best son of the Master (Buddha), as the King
of the gods (Sakka) had aforetime (greeted) the Master1. He 74
had the street from the Ambatthala-cetiya to the town put in
order even as the road from Vesali to the town Savatthi, and 75
by the spending of a whole fortune on this occasion, as the
King (Asoka), the father of the Thera (had done) on the arri-
val of the Thera Moggaliputta2, he satisfied the poor, travellers 76
and beggars by instituting a great almsgiving and the bhik-
khus by (the gift of) the four necessaries3. Then the Illustrious 77
One with the wish: the people shall see the arrival of the
Thera, lifted up the image amid great reverence, descended 78
from the mountain (Missaka), (and) while he placed himself
at the head (of the procession), made the bhikkhus surround
it on all sides ? the golden image of the Thera shone as 79
the golden Mount Meru4 rising out of the milky sea (shines)
when irradiated by the evening glow ? and showed it to 80
the people with the thought: Even thus the Leader of the
World went forth to Vesali to preach the Sutta5. Thus paying 81
1 On the occasion of Buddha's visit to the Tavatimsa-hea en. Cf.
Divyavadana, ed. E. B, COWELL and R. A. NEIL, 401; EOCKHILL, Life of
the Buddha, p. 80 f.; BIGANDET, Life or Legend of Gaudama the Buddha,
I, p. 225 ff,; TH. KEEN, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 33.
2 The fetching of the Mahinda image by Sirimeghavanna is com-
pared with that of Moggaliputtatissa by King Asoka, as it is described
in Mhvs. 5. 245 ff. The Thera dwells in a hermitage on the upper Gan-
ges. He is wanted to settle the disputes which have arisen in the Buddha
Order. Only after many vain attempts does Asoka's emissary succeed
in persuading him to take the journey to Pataliputta where the King
receives him with the highest honours. There follows the holding of
the Third Council.
3 P. paccayehi catuM, namely: clothing (eft?ara), food (pindapatcfy,
dwelling (senoLsana) and medicine (bhesajja).
4 Meru or Sumeru is the mythical world mountain which rises in
the centre of the earth, on whose summit lies the heaven of the Tava-
timsa, of the 3S Gods, S. KIBFSL, Kosoiographie der Inder, p, 16, 187 etc.
5 Verses 66?80 form one sentence. The subj. is manujindo in 666
Sirimeghavanna
37.82
reverence and homage (to the Image) the Lord of rnen set out
in the evening for the vihara Sotthiyakara1 which he had him-
82 self erected near the eastern gate, and there also he let the
image of the (spiritual) son of the Conqueror (Buddha) tarry
83 three days. Then after he had on the 12th day put the town
well in order, even as the town of Kajagaha at the first entry
84 of the Master2, he fetched the image from the Sotthiyakara-
vihara and brought it, while the town had the semblance of
85 the ocean by reason of the great festival, to the Mahavihara,
taken up again by raja in 67, so in 70 and ayam in 72, verb, fin,
dassesi in 80, obj. patibimbam in 68 (taken up again by tarn in 77).
The construction of the sentence is disturbed by the verb. fin. sobhatha
in 79. I believe either that the whole of verse 79 was inserted later
or perhaps better still that it is to be regarded as a parenthesis. The
Sutta preached by the Buddha in VesalT is the Ratanasutta (No. 6 of
the Khuddakapatha = v. 222 ff. or Culavagga 1 in the Suttanipata).
Its previous history is related by Buddhaghosa (Kh. A. p. 158 ff.), appears
also in the Mahavastu (I. 253 ff.) In Yesali, the capital of the Licchavi
clan (T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 25 f.) bad plagues caused
by evil spirits are rife. The terrified inhabitants appeal to the Buddha
who is sojourning in Rajagaha. He comes, drives off the evil spirits
and pronounces over Yesall the verses of blessing (SvastyayanagatJia in
the Mahavastu) of the Ratanasutta. It is now expressly insisted on that
the street from Rajagaha to the Ganges and again on the territory of
the Licchavi from Yesall to the Ganges was put in the most perfect
order and decorated. I should therefore refer v. 74 also to the journey
of the Buddha to Yesall, though in that case Savatthl would be er-
roneously substituted for Rajagaha. That there was a tendency to make
Savatthi a dwelling place of the Buddha is shown by Mrs. RHYS DAVIDS'S
acute observations on the Samyutta-Mkaya. (The Book of the Kindred
Sayings trsl. by F. C. WOODWAED, III, p. XI f.)
1 From the description of the position the name would best fit that
collection of buildings east of Anuradhapura now called Puliyankulam.
The foundation of this vihara would then have to be placed in the
4th century A. D., as Sirimeghavanna built it himself (sayamJcatam).
The fact of the present ruins belonging in style to a later period is no
argument against the identification, as all these monasteries were repea-
tedly enlarged and renewed,
2 On the Buddha's first visit to Rajagaha on which occasion King
Bimbisara presented him with the Veluvana park see Yin. I. 35 ff.;
JaCo. I. 8288 ff.; ROCKHXLL, Life of the Buddha, p. 43,37. 92
Sirimeghavanna
7
left it three months in the court of the Bodhi tree, brought it
then in the same (solemn) manner to the inner town and had 86
a handsome shelter built for the image near the royal palace
at its south-eastern corner. The wise, discerning (King) had 87
images of Itthiya and of the others1 made and put them in
the same spot. He set a watch there and spent a sum of money 88
as an offering and gave orders to proceed year by year in
like manner. In obedience to his order the kings of his race 89
keep up the custom here (in Ceylon) to this day and do not
neglect it. On the day of Pavara^a2 he brought the image 90
from the town to the vihara and ordered that every year an
offering be made on the 13th day. Beside the Bodhi tree 91
Tissavasabha in the Abhaya-vihara3 he had a stone terrace
and a handsome wall built.
In the ninth year of this (King) a Brahman woman brought 92
hither (to Anuradhapura4) from the Kalinga country the Tooth
1 .The theras Itthiya, Uttiya, Sambala and Bhaddasala (Milvs. 12. 7),
the samanera Sumana and the lay-brother Bhanduka (Mhvs. 13. 18,14. 33)
were companions of Mahinda on his flight to Ceylon.
2 Pdvdrana is the ceremony observed by the bhikkhus at the close
of the three months' vassa, that is the rainy season spent in the vihara.
The vassa begins according to the directions of the Vinaya (I. 13726;
cf. with this Vin.-A, III. 2931 the commentary of Buddhaghosa) on the
day after the day of full moon of the month Asalha (May-June) or a
month later and lasts three months. As the Pavarana festival takes
place on the 14 th and 15th days of the final month, the 13th day
mentioned In v. 90 is the day immediately preceding it for which the
King ordains a yearly festival of offering, (See Th. KEEN, Manual of
Indian Buddhism, p. 100.)
3 Differently rendered by TDKNOUR-WIJESINHA : "and he built stone
cornices and beautiful walls also at the Abhaya and Tissa-Vasabha vi-
harag; as well as at the bodhi tree.'1 I think, however, that s&avedim
can only belong to "bodhipadape* The sacred % trees (Ficus religiosa}
are as a rule sourrounded by a stone terrace. Vihdre AWiaye refers
without doubt the Abhayagiri-vihara in the north of the town. I am
inclined to look upon Tissavasabha as the name of the Bodhi tree,
named perhaps after the name of the man who planted it and who
came from the village of Vasabha. There was a village of this name
near Anuradhapura its revenues (see 41. 97) being later made over to
the Jetavana by Mahanaga.
4 A more detailed account of this event by which the most famous8
Sirimeghavanna
37.93
93 Relic of the great Sage (Buddha). In the manner set forth in
the Chronicle of the Tooth Relic the Ruler received it with
94 reverence, paid it the highest honours, laid it in an urn of pure
95 crystal, and brought it to the building called Dhammacakka
built by Devanampiyatissa on the royal territory. Henceforth
9^6 this building was the Temple of the Tooth Relic1. The King
his heart swelling with joy, spent 900 000 (kahapa^as) and ar-
97 ranged therewith a great festival for the Tooth Relic. He de-
creed that it should be brought every year to the Abhayuttara-
vihara2, and that the same sacrificial ceremonial should be ob-
98 served. The Ruler had eighteen viharas built and (he con-
structed) tanks which always contained water, because of his
99 pity for all living creatures. After performing innumerably
many meritorious works such as offerings for the Bodhi Tree
and the like, he went in the 28th year (of his reign) thither
whither his merit took him3.
relic of the Buddha came to Ceylon, is to be found in the Rajavaliya
(see p. 53 of B. GUNASEKARA'S translation); in the Rajaratnakaraya
(ed. SADDHANANDA, Colombo, 1887, p. 29) and in the Pujavaliya (Con-
tribution to the History of Ceylon, extracted from the Pujavaliya, ed.
B. GUNASEKARA, p. 23-4). The country of Kalinga corresponds roughly
to the present Orissa on the mainland of India. V, 93. refers to the
Dathadhatuvamsa written in 1211 by Dhammakitti, an older
namesake of the author of the first part of the Culavamsa, or to the
copy of it written in the Sinhalese tongue. The Pali Dathadhatuvamsa
has been edited by T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, JPTS. 1884, p. 108 ff.
1 One must look for the remains of the building in the so-called
Dalada-Maligava in the south-eastern part of the city of Anuradhapura,
not in the ruin of the same name at the Thuparama, See E. R. AYRTGN,
Ceylon Notes and Queries III, Apr. 1914, p. XII ff.
2 ,,The Northern Vihara of Abhaya", the same as the Abhayagiri-
vihara. We often meet with the name Uttara- Mahd-Geta in inscriptions.
Thus in that of King Malu-Tissa, WICKBEMASINGHE, EZ. I, p. 256, cf. also
ib. p. 221, 236; as well as A. M. HOCAET, Mem, ASC. I, p. 12. In the
older Mahavamsa (35.119) we also find the name Abhayuttaram&htltliupa.
3 Literally: "he went there where was the way to rebirth (gatff\
Means the same as yathdkammam gato (see above note 2 to v. 51), here
of course in a good sense. According to Pujavaliya and Rajavaliya the
king reigned fully 28 years.37.107 Jetthatissa,
Buddhaddsa 9
The youthful Jetthatissa, the youngest son of his brother1, 100
then raised the umbrella of dominion in Lanka, (he being) ex-
perienced in the art of ivory carving. Extraordinarily skilful, 101
he carried out manya difficult works and taught the practice of
his art to many people. At his father's3 request he made a 102
beautiful, charming figure representing the Bodhisatta, as beau-
tiful as if it had been produced by miraculous power, as well 103
as a chair of state with a back, an umbrella, a mandapa4 with
jewels: Here and there5 (were) all kinds of work by him in
splendid ivory. After ruling the island of Lanka for nine years6 101
and doing numerous meritorious works, he passed away in ac-
cordance with his deeds.
Thereupon his son Buddhadasa7 became king, a mine of 105
virtues, as the sea (is such) of all jewels. Creating happiness 106
by every means for the inhabitants of the Island, protecting the
town8, as the wealthy Vessavana protects the town of Alaka-
manda9, gifted with wisdom and virtue, a refuge of pure pity 107
1 According to the reading l)hdtu tassa Jcanitthako as against Nidtd
t, Jc. ef. Ciilavs. ed., Introd. p. XVII. Nevertheless I have scruples
in
adopting this reading, since in the historical literature of Ceylon Jettha-
tissa is distinctly called the brother, not the nephew of his predecessor.
2 P. citrdnl. I do not believe that this word refers to painting. It
is always a question of Jetthatissa's ivory carving only.
3 The ,,father" may be king Sirinieghavanna, the paternal uncle
being always called pitar.
4 By mandapa is understood a light, open, arbour-like structure
whose roof is supported on pillars, often put up for merely temporary
purposes.
5 The construction of the sentence is not quite clear.
I think
v. 103 c d is a summary of what has gone before.
6 Pujavaliya has the same; but according to the Rajavaliya, 10 years.
7 The Sinhalese sources (Pujav., Rajav., Rajaratn.) call him Bujas-
ra}a. Also Nikaya-samgraha ed. WXCKREMASINGHE, 168.
8 Makkham is to be supplemented from d by the object puram, while
on the other hand puram must be supplemented by the participle raftkham
from c.
9 Vessavana ? Skr. Vatiramqa, patronymic of Kuvera the god of
wealth. His capital is called in Skr. Alalfd (E. W. HOPKINS, Epic Mytho-
logy, p. 142 ff.). In D. IL 1472,. 170T Alakamanda is called the capital
of the Devas.10 Bucldhadasa
37. 108
108 and endowed with the ten qualities of kings1, while avoiding the
four wrong paths2, practising justice, he won over his subjects
109 by the four heart-winning qualities3. The Ruler lived openly
before the people the life that bodhisattas lead and had pity
110 for (all) beings as a father (has pity for) his children. He ful-
filled the wishes of the poor by gifts of money, those of the
111 rich by protecting their property and their life. Great in dis-
cernment he treated the good with winning friendliness, the
wicked with sternness, the sick with remedies.
112 Now one day as the King riding on the back of his ele-
phant was on his way, in the principal street, to bathe in the
113 Tissa-tank, he beheld a large snake smitten with belly disease,
lying not far from the Puttabhaga-vihara outstretched on its
114 back on a white ant -heap to display its disease of the belly,
115 called a tumour. He thought: the snake is certainly ill4. There-
upon he got down from the great elephant and approaching the
great snake, thus spake the hero, the Spotless One, to the great
116 snake5: "I understand, great Snake, the reason of thy coming.
117 But ye (snakes) are very fiery6 and easily fly into a rage7. There-
1 On the dasct rdjadhammd see M. and W. GEIGER, Pali Dhamnia,
p. 17. They are enumerated J. III. 2741: dana "giving of alms", slla
"leading a moral life", pariecaga "liberality", ajjava "fair dealing",
maddava *'gentleness", tapas "self-discipline", dkJtodka "without wrath.",
avihimsu "not wounding", I'hanti "patience", avirodhana "peaceableness".
2 P. catasso agnll Jiitva. The four agati are chanda "desire", dosa
"hate"1, moha "illusion", "bliaya "fear".
3 The cattdri samyahavatthuni are d&na "the giving of alms, libera-
lity", peyyavajja "friendly, winning speech", atthacariya "beneficent
action", samdnattatd "sociability". Of. 41. 56.
1 One must read unago rogl ti nicchayam", The ti is, as often, placed
in the oratio recta. Cf, 44, 16; 45, 20; 48, 30.
:' The verse contains a play upon words impossible for us to render,
ntfga being used in the threefold meaning- of "snake" especially cobra,
"elephant" and "great man, hero". Add to this the similarity in sound
with andgacd (Skr. fiyas "guilt, sin").
K P. mahdteja. TI*BNUIIR'IS translation "highly gifted" is wrong.
7 Literally: "You are quickly such who bear the character of being
wrathful". See Culavn. ed., voL II, Index 2, &, v. "kttppctna.37.131
Buddhaddsa
11
fore it is impossible for me to touch thee and so to accomplish
my work; but without touching thee it is also not possible.
What then is to be done?" At these words the prince of the 118
snakes stuck his whole neck1 into the cavity (of the white ant-
heap) and remained lying motionless. He stepped up to it, took 119
the knife that he wore at his side and slit open the belly of the
snake. After he had taken out the diseased parts and applied 120
an excellent remedy, he at once cured the reptile. Then he 121
gloried thus: "Even the beasts have known my great charity;
in the right way have I ruled." When the snake saw that it 122
was cured, it gave the Monarch as a mark of esteem, its own
precious jewel2. The King placed the jewel as eye in the stone 123
image of the Perfectly Enlightened One in the Abhayuttara-
vihara.
A bhikkhu on his mendicant round in the village of Thusa- 124
va^thika had been given only dry mendicant's food. When then
he went begging for milk he got milk with worms in it which 125
he drank. In his belly the worms multiplied and fed on his
bowels. Then he went and told the King. The King asked: 126
"At what meal did this pain arise and of what kind is it?"
The other answered: uAt the meal that I took with milk in 127
the village of Thusavatthi". The King recognised that it had
been milk with worms in it. Now just at that time a horse 128
had to be cured by bleeding. The King himself bled it, took
the blood, gave it tho the samara to drink and spake, waiting 129
a moment3: "That was horse's blood." When the samara4
heard that he vomited. The worms came up with the blood, 180
the bhikkhu was cured, but the King showed his joy: "By a 131
1 P. phana, the hood of the cobra which it inflates when irritated.
Pun with phaninda "prince of the hooded snakes".
2 In allusion to the widespread popular belief that snakes or parti-
cular snakes have a jewel in their head. Cf. for instance, Chakesadhatu-
vamsa, JPTS. 1885,; p. 1416.
3 I now prefer to read vUindmayam with the MSS. S 3 or., 6, or
vUin&miya with the Colombo edition.
4 Da the term samara cf. E. 0, FKANKB, D. trsl. p. 304 ff. In the
?Mahavaxoaa the word Is used in the same sense as tihiklchu.2
Buddhadasa
37.132
single stroke of the knife worms, samana and horse have been
cured: excellent of a truth are my activities as healer."
132 A man in drinking water swallowed the egg of a water
133 snake1; out of it there came a water snake. It sucked itself
fast2 in his inside. Tortured by the pain caused by this he
134 sought the King. The latter asked him as to the cause3. He
recognised that a reptile was within him, made him fast a
week and had him, after being bathed and rubbed with oil,
135 laid on a well prepared bed. Now as he lay there in deep
136 slumber with open mouth, he placed before his mouth a piece
of meat with a string attached. (Lured) by the smell the rep-
tile came out of him, bit fast at it and wanted to crawl in
137 (again). Thereupon the King held it fast by means of the
string, drew it out, threw it in a jug into water and spake
138 these words: "As is well known the physician of the Perfectly
Enlightened One was Jlvaka4. Can the world show a work of
139 his harder (than this)? Certainly he also would accomplish a
work like this ?? of that there can be no doubt ? if he
did it5 with the utmost care. Behold the consequences of my
good deeds!6"
1 deddubha. Cf. udakadeddubha, J. I. 3616, III. 1619. In J. VI. 19416
the Comrn. explains the word d. by udakasappa. In Sinh. also deduba
means a water snake. The closely allied skr. word dundubha is a kind
of lizard without feet living in the water (BOHTLINGK-ROTH, s, v.).
2 P. anto tudittha tundam, lit. "it stuck (or bored) its mouth in".
3 P. nidana is like skr. nidana a medical term: "the theory of the
causes of diseases and of their nature: Aetiology, Pathology" PTSPD.
s, v. Cf. Milp. 27213: roguppattim at niddnam ca.
4 For this famous physician, Jlvaka Komarabbacea, see namely-Vin.
I. 268 ff.
5 TURNOUR has misunderstood the passage. W. has got nearer to the
sense, but he has misinterpreted salbddarena Jcubbanto ("in all loving-
kindness"). The meaning is this: Buddhadasa has no intention of pla-
cing himself above Jlvaka, but his achievements are equal to the highest
of those of Jlvaka. The latter also had to use all his skill to achieve
such cures as Buddhadasa can boast of having accomplished.
6 P. imnnodaya, lit, "ascent of acquired merit", a technical expression
denoting the moment, in which the effects of former good deeds make
themselves felt. See 53. 28.37.148
Buddhadasa 13
In the same way in Helloligama he saved a Ca^cjala woman 140
the fruit of whose womb had taken a wrong position1, seven
times with the child. A bhikkliu was disturbed2 in his exer- 141
cises by the writhing disease3; as he had become (bent) like
a roof-tree4 the wise (King) freed him from his ailment. A 142
young man was drinking a little water in which were frog's
eggs. An egg penetrating by the nostril entered his skull. It 143
opened and was a frog; it grew and dwelt5 there. At the
approach of the rainy season the young man was greatly tor-
tured by it. The King split the skull, took out the frog, put 144
the parts of the skull together again and cured the young man
at once6. For the good of the inhabitants of the Island the 145
ruler had refuges for the sick set up in every village and placed
physicians in them. He made a summary of the essential con- 146
tent of all the medical text-books and charged one physician
with (the care of) twice five villages7 and gave the physicians 147
the produce of ten fields as livelihood. He also appointed phy-
sicians for elephants, horses and soldiers. For cripples8 and 148
1 One must join mulhagabWiinim jatam. On mudhagarljha cf. JOLLY,
Medizin (der Inder), p. 64 f. Satta varesu belongs to mulhaijabbhinim as
well as to sukhitam aka "cured, saved".
2 P. vutthdpito. The verb (v)utthd is the term for awaking from the
state of absorption in meditation (saniddhi). Thus Yin. I. 229, 812 etc.
D. II. 1565ff.; M. I. 3028-i° etc. Also the substantive (v)utthdna
M. L
2964 etc. Manifestly our passage means that the pain awakened the
bhikkhu out of his sleep of meditation.
3 P. vatab&dhena. See JOLLY loc. cit. p. 118 f. The disease consists in
contraction of the joints, cramp, paralysis etc,
4 P. gopcinasi a roof beam in gable form A- The expression
gopcinasivanka "bent like a #." is used of people bent by age.
5 P. tattha gacchati in the more general meaning "was there" (cf. skr.
tairagata), the present expressing the permanent condition.
6 Lit. made him (as he had been) originally.
7 I do not take saratthasamyaham as does TURNOUR, for the title of
a medical work. In this case the construction of the preceding genitive
sablesam vejj&satthanam would be quite unintelligible. Cf, also the
note to v. 171.
8 P. pltliasapplnam, who moved about with the help of a chair-like
frame. PTSPD. s. v.14 Buddhadaaa
37.149
for the blind lie built refuges in various places and refuges
149 with maintenance in the principal street1. He hearkened con-
stantly to the good doctrine, showing reverence to the preachers
of the doctrine2. He also fixed the salaries of the preachers
150 in different places. Of his great pity he had a pocket for his
knife3 made in the inside of his mantle and whereever he met
them he freed the afflicted from their pains.
151 Now one day the King royally adorned came forth with his
152 army like Vasava4 with the Gods. Now when a leper who in
a former existence had been his enemy, beheld the Ruler at
the very summit of his glory and good fortune5 shining in royal
153 splendour, he was filled with fury; he struck the earth with
his hand and smiting the ground again and again with his staff,
154 he reviled him with many abusive words. As the discerning
(King) witnessed this curious behaviour6 from afar, he thought:
155 "I cannot remember having done evil to any being; he is cer-
tainly my enemy from former times. I will appease this (his
1 Evidently for travellers: Vhoga means here "feeding". In TURNOUR'S
translation the double sdldyo is disregarded.
2 P. dhammabhandka (below in v. 173 the synonym dhammaghosaka).
The word dhamma means here the teaching of Buddha as formulated
in the sacred texts. Recitations from such texts (Suttas) by the bhikkhus
are even now frequent in Ceylon. They often last the whole night
through and pious laymen listen with intense devotion, although they
understand not a single word of the recital (Sinh. lana). P. TUXEN is
undoubtedly right in regarding this as "in the first place a kind of
spiritual adjustment", thus "a sort of Yoga", facilitated by the musical
effect of the recital, by the rhythm which is peculiar to the Pali texts.
The feeling for rhythm is as I have frequently noticed, extraordinarily
developed amongst the Sinhalese. P. TUXBN, Einige Bemerkungen uber
die Konstruktion der Paiitexte, Festschrift Hermann. Jacobi, p. 98 ff.
3 P. satthavattim. The word sattha is used here for the surgical
knife. So already above v. 119. .For the expression "cover" "receptacle"
for. vatti. cf. maricavatti = pepper pod.
* A name for the King of the Gods, Sakka or Indra.
5 Here we must either regard the m in strisobhagga-m-aggappattam
as neutralising the hiatus, or we must separate sirisobhaggain aggappattam
so that the first word is dependent as ace. on the second..
6 P. vippakar&m, lit. change, demeanour deviating from the normal.37. 170
Buddliaddsa
15
enmity)," and he said to a man who stood near: "Go and find 156
out the feelings of the leper yonder." He went. Like a good 157
friend he seated himself by the leper and asked him why he
was so angry. The leper told him everything: "This Buddhadasa 158
here was (once upon a time) my slave; for his meritorious deeds
he has become monarch. To slight me he rides past me there
on his elephant. He shall learn to know me in a few days!1 159
If he puts himself in my power (again), I shall make him par-
take of the full chastisement of slaves. If he does not fall into 160
my hands, I shall slay him and drink his throat's blood. Of
that there is no doubt. Thou shalt see it shortly.77 The man 161
went and related the matter to the prince. The discerning
(King) (now) felt certain that that (leper) was his enemy of
old. He thought: "It is meet to put an end by (some) means 162
(or other) to the enmity of a foe", and (thus) directed the man:
"win him in the right way." He went to the leper and spoke 163
to him like a good friend: "For a long time 1 have harboured
the thought of destroying the King; but as I found no aecom- 164
plices for his murder, I could not (carry it out). But now that
I have found thee, I can fulfil nay wish. Come to my house, 165
dwell with me and be my helper, in a few days I shall destroy
his life." After these words he took the leper to his house 166
and having had him bathed and oiled, clad with a choice gar-
ment, well fed with dainty food and served by youthful women, 167
he had him laid on a splendid, well-prepared bed. In the same 168
fashion he sheltered him for several days and when he saw
that he had grown trustful and that he was happy and con-
tented, he gave him food and drink with the words: uThis is 169
a gift from the King." Twice and thrice he refused it, then
begged (by the other) he took it. Gradually he learned to put 170
full trust in the Monarch and when he heard (later) that the
Monarch was dead his heart broke in twain.
1 Lit. "I will make him know myself". Erroneous by W, "I will
make Mm know himself*. The ace. attanatn can only be related re-
flectively to the subject contained in jandpessdmi. The gerund I'dretrd
in v. 159 belongs to Jiindpessami, the ger. maretvd In v, 160 to
picisstimi.
The sense is: if he voluntarily becomes again my slave (hatthain me,
vti?dyati) I shall chastise him as such, if he does It not, 1 will slay
him.16 Buddhadasa
37.171
171 Thus the King healed physical and spiritual disease and he
installed physicians in the island to provide for the cure (of
the sick) in the future1.
172 In the Mahavihara the King had the Moraparive^a2 built
which was beautified by a pasada five and twenty cubits3 high.
173 He made over to it the two villages of Samana(gama) and
Grolapanu(gama) and to the bhilddms who held forth on the
174 doctrine (he assigned) revenues and servants4. He built viharas
and parivenas which were fitted up with the four necessaries,
175 and (he built) tanks and alms-halls, and (erected) images. In
the reign of the same king the ascetic Mahadhammakathin5
176 translated the Suttas into the Sihala tongue. The King pos-
sessed eighty heroic, vigorously grown sons of winning mien
who bore the names of the eighty disciples (of the Buddha6).
1 The Col. ed. takes out the second half of this verse "and he in-
stalled" etc. which all MSS. known to me have in this place, and adds
it above to v. 146 (= v. 96 of the ed.) after "summary of the essential
content of the medical books". On grounds of method I cannot accept
this. Besides which the verse is quite appropriate laere. The compiler
summarizes what the king had done for the furtherance of medical lore
not only in his own day but also for the future.
2 P. Moraparivena or Mayuraparivena means "Peacock-P." The tra-
ditional name Mayura-Pirivena is applied even to-day to a very ruinous
building lying not far from the south-west corner of the present Maha-
vihara on the road leading to Kurunegala. H. C- P. BELL ASC., Ann.
Rep. 1894 (= SP. XXXIX, 1904), p. 5.
3 P. hatfha. As the hatfha according to FLEET, JEAS. 1906, p. 1011
was not smaller than 17. 75 inches (= 45.08cm.) and certainly not
larger than 18.25 inches (= 46. 35 cm.), the height of the pasada of the
Moraparivena must have been roughly 37 to 38 ft. (= II. 28 to 11. 58 m.)
4 P. bhoge "kappiyaltarake. By bhoga is meant the produce taxes of
certain lands. The kappiyakaraka (lit. who do what is meet) are pro-
bably no other than the iinlmika (note to 37, 63).
5 Without doubt the same as the one named as his contemporary
by the Chinese pilgrim. Fa-hian, Ta-mo-'kiu-ti (BEAL, Buddhist Records
of the Western World I, p. XXVI. As Fa-Man stayed in Ceylon about
411-12 we have here a valuable confirmation of Buddhadasa's time.
E. B. AYRTON, JEAS. 1911, p. 1142.
6 The asltisavaku are mentioned for instance in the Chakesadhatu-
vamsa, JPTS. 1885 p. 165; the a&timdkathera DhCo. I. 143, 1916. Cf.
below 85. 102,37. 182 Upatissa II.
17
Sorrounded by these (his) sons who were named Sariputta and 177
so forth, Buddhadasa shone like the Perfectly Enlightened One.
After he had thus wrought blessings for the dwellers in the 178
Island the Lord of men, Buddhadasa, went to the world of the
gods1 in the twenty-ninth year2 (of his reign).
Hereupon his eldest son Upatissa became king: endowed 179
with all royal virtues, ever leading a moral life, great in pity.
Shunning the ten sinful actions, he practised the ten merito- 180
rious works; the King fulfilled the ten royal duties and the
ten paramitas3. By the four heart-winning qualities4 he won 181
over the four regions of the world. In the Mahapali Hall5 he
had the remains of the royal table6 distributed. For cripples, 182
1 P. tidiva = sagga (Skr. tridica ? svarga) designation of tlie Ta-
vatimsa-heaven, the heaven of the 33 gods at the head of whom stands
Sakka (Indra),
2 The Pujavaliya gives Buddhadasa a reign of full 29 years, the
Rajavaliya one of eighty years!
3 The ten "meritorious works" (pitnnakiriya) are ddna "giving1 of
alms", slla "leading a moral life", Widvand "spiritual discipline", apaciti
"reverence", veyydvacca "diligence", pattianugpaddna "transference of
one's own merits to another", abbUanuwodand "gratitude", desand "in-
struction", savana "hearkening (to sermons)", ditthujukakamma "right
views" (see PTSPD. s. v. punna). ? On the dasa rdjadhammd see above
note to v. 107. ? The ten pdramitd ("perfections") which must be
attained by each future Buddha (bodhisatta) are ddna, slla, nekkhamma
"renunciation", pannd "knowledge", tririya "manliness", khanti "pa-
tience", sacca "uprightness", adhitthdna "will power", wetta "love",
upekkhd "serenity".
4 See above note to v. 108.
5 Most probably the building whose remains lie S. E. of the Maha-
thupa (Ruvanveli-Dagoba) close to the present post-office. That this
building served for the distribution of alms is proved by the stone canoe
44 ft. long (=' 13.4 m.) lying near. This was obviously a receptacle for
gifts of rice which were then portioned out. According to 42. 67 this
stone canoe was presented by King Aggabodhi II. The erection of. the
hall is ascribed, Mhvs. 20. 23, to Devanampiyatissa, 247-207 B. C. Cf. on
the building H. C. F. BELL ASC.f Ann. Rep. 1902 (= SP. LXVJI, 1907),
p. 1-3.
? The reading of the MSS. rdjdtwhhojanam' is certainly right. 'Cf.
C5la¥s, II, Index 2, List of Words, s. v. anubhojana.
? 218 Updtiasa II.
37. 183
women in travail, for ike blind and the sick he erected great
188 nursing shelters and alms-halls. In a northerly direction from
the Mangalacetiya he erected a thupa, an image house1 and
184 an image. In carrying this out he with the thought: my sub-
jects must not be estranged2 (from me) had (the work) done
185 by boys to whom he distributed sugar and rice. He had built
at various places Innumerable and meritorious works, (such
as) the Bajuppala (tank), the Gijjhakuta, Pokkharapasaya, Vala-
186 hassa and Ambutthi (tanks) and the tank of Gondigama, the
Khandaraja-vihara and (further) tanks always filled with water3.
187 (Once) when rain poured (into the house) he passed the night
nevertheless lying on his bed, thinking: it would be a trouble
188 to the people (if I were to call anyone). When the Minister
noticed this he took him into the garden and had the house
(meantime) covered in4. Thus never for his own sake did he
cause trouble to living beings.
189 In the time of this (King) the Island was vexed by the ills
of a famine and a plague. The benevolent (King) who was as
190 a light for the darkness of sin, asked the bhikkhus: "Did not
the great Sage (Buddha) when the world was visited by such
evils as famine and the like, provide some kind of help for
191 the world?'1 They pointed to the origin of the Qangarohana-
1 The patimageha is an essential part of every monastic establishment.
It is known by its having besides the main entrance on the east side,
an extra entrance from the north.
2 The ingenious correction Jcliijjcmtu "shall (not) be wearied" (instead
of bhijjantu) of the Colombo edition is tempting. Nevertheless I'feel
unable to accept it. It will be argued that If the work is weari-
some for adults it must be so in a far greater degree for boys. The
idea is rather this: the King will not make enemies of his subjects by
giving them tasks which keep them from more important work. Boys
have free time and consider such work when rewarded by sweetmeats,
as play.
3 The construction of vv. 185-6 is difficult, the translation, uncertain.
It is worth noting that in the Pujavaliya and the Rajavaliya the con-
struction of the Td*paveva, the lake of Polonnaruva, is ascribed to
Upatissa,
* Here too the construction is brief and obscure. But W, has grasped
the meaning properly.37.198 Upatissa II.
19
Sutta1 on such an occasion. When he heard this he made an
image wholly of gold of the departed Buddha2, laid the stone 192
alms bowl of the Master3 (filled) with water in the hollow of
its hands and placed this his figure on a great chariot. He 193
took upon himself the duties of a moral life and made the
people also take them. on themselves, he instituted a great
almsgiving and established security (of life) for all living crea-
tures. Then after he had adorned the town (so that it was) 194
comely as the world of the gods, he descended surrounded by
all the bhikkhus dwelling in the Island, to the principal street4. 195
Then the bhikkhus who had gathered there reciting the Ratana-
Sutta and pouring out water5, walked about the street, not far 196
from the royal palace, near the wall, round which they walked
with their right side towards it6 in the three watches of the
night. When morning dawned a great cloud poured rain on 197
the earth and all who had suffered from disease, held refreshed
high festival. But the Lord of men decreed: aWhen there 198
shall be on the Island an evil such as famine, plague or the
like, thus shall it be done."
1 Must be a name for the Ratana-Sutta mentioned In v. 195. On this
see above note to v. 80.
2 P. sambuddhadkatuno, lit: of the relic of the Perfectly Enlightened
One. As Buddha himself has entered Nirvana, an image of his outward
appearance as he was in life, can only be a "relic" of him. TUENOUE'S
translation: "for the tooth relic" is wrong.
3 The bowl relic (pattadhatu) was next to the sacred tooth the relic
most revered on the Island. See below 61. 61, 74. 100 ff. It was ori-
ginally kept in Pataliputta by King Asoka (Mhvs. .17. 20). The Samanera
Sumana, one of Mahinda's companions, brought it so Ceylon, and King
Devanampiyatissa deposited it in his palace (Mhvs. 20. 13).
* What is meant here is the sacred street which starting from the
city of Armradhapura in the N., runs southwards to the Mahavihara..
5 A fine example of popular rain magic .adopted by .the official
religion. For the filled water vessels and the pouring out of water in
Indian rain magic see OLDENBERG, die Religion Jes Yeda2,
p. 505.
Further analogies in L. von SCHRODER, Arische Religion II, p. 253 ff.
6 P. lairumdna padak'kMnam. The walking round a sacred object
or a holy person with the right side towards it or him, thus to the left
is a ceremony of reverence. As we were informed in the Subhadrarama
2*20 Upatissa II.
37.199
199 When he having ascended to the Cetiya, perceived ants and
other (insects) he with the words: walk slowly in the forest,
200 was wont to sweep the earth with a peacock's feather and to
use for the cleaning of a seat a shell filled with water1. In
201 the south-west corner of the royal palace he had a house built
for the Uposatha festival2, and a house with an image of Bud-
202 dha as well as a pleasant garden surrounded by a wall. On the
fourteenth, on the fifteenth, as well as on the eighth day of
the half of the month and on extraordinary festivals3 he stayed
208 there accessible to instruction4, taking upon himself the eight-
fold Uposatha vow. His whole life long he ate of the food
204 (served) in the Mahapali Hall5. When he took a walk in the
in Balapitiya the person showing reverence must go to the right. A
young bhikkhu performed the ceremony in our presence before the thupa
of the monastery. This however must be an innovation. This we learn
from the Borobudur in Java. In the case of the reliefs of the first
terrace, the pilgrim can only follow the single events in the life of the
Buddha in their proper order if ascending the terrace from the east
side, he walks round it to the left.
1 The passage is difficult. A tolerable construction is only possible
if we regard dddya carati as a periphrastic formation. As a rule cer-
tainly car is joined with the pres. part. But already in Skr. when simi-
larly used, it is found ^occasionally also joined with the gerund. S, BR.
s. v.
2 Uposatha is the Buddhist sabbath which is kept four times in
the lunar month, on the day of the new moon (catuddasl), on that of
the full rnoou (pnncadasl\ and on the 8th day (attkann) of each half of
the month. On the first two clays the confession festival
(jpatinioWzhnddesa)
of the bhikkhus took place. Special buildings or halls were erected for
this ceremony. Mhvs. trsl., p. 296, nr. 2B; SPENCK HAKDY, Eastern Mona-
chism p. 237 IF.; TH. KERN, Indian Buddhism p. 99 f,
a P. patihdriyapalc'kha "an extra holiday, an ancient festival, not now
kept" (PTSPD. s. v.) Cf. Sn. 402. The two lines of verse 202 are also
found with slight variation S. I. 2082*5, Vv. 15. 6, 19, 9; DhCo- IV, p.
21.
With the help of these parallel passages we should read catuddasim
pancadaaim yti Cd jml'khassa atthavu.
4 P. sayadfinani is an adverb, = .src-ri^. The word apadana means
"instruction". Thus Th 1, 47 where the Co. renders it by ovada. The
opposite of sdpaddna is anapad&HO, "accessible to no instruction" which
in Vin. II. 420 stands next to "bala, avyatta and dj,mtttlahula. What is
meant is of course instruction by the sermon.
5 He lived thug as simply, as the poor who are dependent on charity.37.210
Mahanamct
. 21
garden, having set up a feeding-place for the Kalanda birds1,
he had his own food served to them, and this is a custom to
this day. (Once) seeing a criminal who was to be executed being 205
led forth, he was deeply moved and had a corpse fetched from
the burying ground and thrown into a copper barrel. He then 206
gave the criminal money and let him escape by night, but after
sunrise, full of wrath, he had the corpse burnt as if it had
been the criminal. He instituted a great festival for all the 207
cetiyas in the Island and (presented) a gold casing for the
crowning ornament on the Thupa in the Thuparama2. After 208
lie had for forty and two years3 performed meritorious works
without leaving even a moment unemployed, he entered into
the company of the King of the gods.
The queen-consort of this King who had an intrigue4 with 209
his younger brother Mahanania, murdered him by stabbing
him in a lonely spot. This younger brother who during his 210
brother's lifetime had undergone5 the ceremony of renunciation
of the world, returned after the murder of the King, to the
1 According to the northern tradition the Skr. 1talanta(ka) denotes
a bird. Of. BOCKHILL, The Life of the Buddha, p. 43, the legend of the
Venuvana park (P. veluvana) and of the Kalantakanivapa (P. kalanddka-
niv-dpa). In my opinion we must assume the same meaning for P. ka-
landa(ka), although Smb. kalada is said to stand for "squirrel". That
we have to do with a kind of bird seems clear from Milp. 3681-. Here
the expression nahguttham pappJiotetvd is used of the kalandaka; JaCo.
II. 15322 we have pakkhe pappothetvd, said also of a bird.
2 The Thuparama lies near the southern gate of the city of Anuradba-
pura on the west side of the sacred street (see note to 37. 194). It was
built by Devanampiyatissa (247-207 B.C.) See Mb vs. trsl., Note to 17.
50.
Of. now with my translation of 17. 41 A. M. HOCART, Ceylon Journal of
Science, Sect. G, I. 2, p. 44, note 4. The relic preserved in the
Cetiya
of the Thuparama was the right collar-bone of the Biuldhu (see 42. 53).
Its history is related Mb vs. 17. 9 ff.
3 Pojavaliya and Hajavaliya give the same length of reign.
4 Also W; "His consort who was intimate with his younger brother
Mahanama . . ." Nevertheless the union of rallalha with the inatr. is
Hurjirising, as also the use of the word to denote a criminal relationship.
5 The ptibbajju, while the actual admission into the Or
nr. 15 and p. 206, nr. 28,22
HaJianama 37.211
211 lower life1 and became monarch. He took as his Mahesi the
Mahesi2 who had murdered his brother. He built refuges for
212 the sick and enlarged the Mahapali Hall. He erected three
viharas, Lohadvara, Ralaggama and Kotipassavana3 and pre-
213 sented them to the bhikkhus of the Abhayuttara-vihara. After
having built a vihara on the Dhumarakkha mountain4, he besto-
wed it at the Mahesfs instigation, on the bhikkhus of the
214 Theravada School5. He had renovations made in ruined viharas.
He was always one who rejoiced in the almsgiving and in the
leading of a moral life and one who reverenced the (three
sacred) objects6.
215 A young Brahmana born near Bodhimarida7, who understood
science, the arts and accomplishments and was perfectly versed
216 in the three Vedas, who knew the (various) systems of doctrine
thoroughly, who was skilled in disputation and also fond of con-
troversy, wandering about Jambudlpa8, sought out the various
217 masters of controversy. Thus he came (once) to a vihara and
1 The lay life is regarded as inferior (hlna) to tlie monkish.
2 Mahesi (skr. mahm) Is the title of the first wife of the King. See
the Introduction II.
3 A Kotipassava-vihara is mentioned 38. 46, but here as founded-by
Dhatusena. The two other names do not occur otherwise, neither are
they, as far as I know, to be found in Sinhalese historical literature.
4 The mountain is mentioned, Mhvs. 10. 46 ff., in the history of
Panclukabhaya. It lies on the left bank of the Mahaveliganga by the
Kacehaka ford (now Mahagantota), E. of Polonnaruva.
5 That is to the bhikkhus of the Mahavihara in which the Therava-
dins had their seat.
6 P. i-ittthupujaJca. These are the tini mttliuni, the vatthuttayam
(Buddha, the Doctrine and the Order). TUESOUB'S translation is
too
general.
7 Bodkimanda "Place of Enlightenment", the spot not far from the
present Bo-Gaya in Southern Bihar where, according to tradition, the
Bodhisatta meditating under a Ficus religtosa, by attainment of the
highest knowledge became the Buddha. For the history of Buildhaghow
cf. BIMA.LA CHAR AN LAW, The Life and Work of Buddha ghosa, Calcutta
and Simla 1923.
8 Name for the continental India.37.224
Mdhanama 23
elucidated during the night the ideas of Patanjali1 word for
word and quite exhaustively2. Hereupon, the Grand Thera3 (of 218
the vihara) named Revata realised: "This is a being of the
highest wisdom; he must be won over," and he said: "Who 219
then is he who cries there with the cry of an ass?" The
(Brahmana) said to him: "Dost thou then understand (at
all) the meaning of the cry of asses?" and on the reply: "I 220
understand it" he expounded his ideas. Revata answered each
single thesis and pointed out the (logical) contradictions. On 221
the request: "Explain then thy own system of doctrine," he
held forth to him on the text and content of the Abhidhamma.
The (Brahmana) did not understand it. He asked; "Whose 222
sayings4 are these?" "These are the sayings of the Buddha,"
answered the other. To the request (of the Brahmana): "make
them known to me," Revata answered: "Thou shalt receive
them when thou hast undergone the ceremony of world-renun-
ciation." As the Brahmana craved for the sayings he under- 223
went the ceremony of world-renunciation and learnt the Tipi-
taka5. He recognised: this path leads alone to the goal6, and
accepted it thereafter7. As his speech was profound like that 224
1 The author of the Yogasutrani (STRAUSS, Indisclie
Philosophic,
p. 178 ff.) who must accordingly, if our notice is credible, have lived be-
fore middle of the 5th century A. D.
2 Lit.: with comprehensive words and well rounded off.
3 P. thera (= Skr. sthavira) and mahathera are titles of
older
bhikkhus in leading- positions, something like presbyter.
4 P. mania, skr. mantra. What is meant by this word are
the
sayings of the Veda. Here the word has a wider meaning-, something
like -"sacred text".
5 That is the whole of the canonical books consisting of the three
parts Vinaya-, Sutta-, Abliiclhamniapifaka. See Mhvs. trsl. p. 296, nr.
27.
6 The sentence etc ay a no a yam tnaggo is an allusion to a passage in
the Samyutta. Here (S. V. 167 8ff.) the Buddha s»ays: ekayano yam
(sic!)
maggo sattanam viwddhiya . . . nibbfinassn Mcchikiriitayi ynd iilnn
cattdro satiyatthfaitl. We see at once from the passusre that ekfiyaiut
is an adjective something like "alone accessible". In the Chainlogra-
Upanishacl 7. 1. 2 the word is used substantially to denote a branch of
science. Sankara explains it by HitiSaistrti.
7 That is: he now entered the Order with the ceremony of the
upnttampntla* making its duties and principles lii«$ own.37.241
MaMnama 25
in the Sihala tongue and the doctrinal system of the Theras
perfectly, reached the conclusion: it is just this system which
interprets the intentions of the Master of Truth; gathered 234
together there the community1 and said: "give me all the
books that I may compose a commentary". To test him the 235
community gave him two verses with the words: "Show here
thy qualification! Once we have seen.it, whe shall give thee
all the books." Briefly summing up the three Pitakas2 together 236
with the commentary he wrote the work called Visuddhi-
inagga3. Then calling together the community who was versed 237
in the thoughts of the Enlightened One, he began to read the
work in the vicinity of the great Bodhi Tree. But the devatas4 238
to convince the people of his greatness, caused the book to
vanish; but twice and thrice he reproduced it. When the book 239
was brought forth a third time to be read the gods then pro-
duced the two other books. Then the bhikkhus read out all 240
the three books together. Neither in composition and content,
nor also as regards the sequence (of the subjects5), in the 241
teaching of the Theras, in the quotations6, in words and sen-
various grades of ecstatic meditation to tlie dignity of the Araliant, of
the "perfected".
1 The samyha, that is the totality of the bhikkhus belonging to
tlie vihara,
2 See Note to 37. 223.
3 Visuddhixnagga (ed. by Mrs. RHYS DAVIDS, 2 vols. PTS. 1920?21)
alludes to the verse:
,si7# patitthdya naro sapanno cittam panham ca Widrayam
dtdpl nipaJco tiihil'Jchu, so imam vijataye jatam
which WARREN (Buddhism in Translations, Harvard Oriental Serios vol.
Ill, p. 285) has rendered thus:
"What man his conduct guardeth, and hath wisdom,
And thoughts and wisdom traineth well,
The strenuous and the able priest,
He disentangles all this snarl,"
* On those spiritual beings common to the popular belief called He-
rat ft see Zeitschr. fiir Budclhismus VII, p. 28. In the following- verst*
they are called Maril "^ods",
5 Lit: regarding the earlier and the later.
*' P. ptilihi refers to passages quoted from the canonical texts, %e24
MaMnama
37.225
of the Buddha he was called Buddhaghosa; for his speech (re-
225 sounded) through the earth like (that of the) Buddha1. After
he had written a book Na$odaya yonder (in Jambudipa), he
also wrote the Atthasalim2, an interpretation of the Dhamma-
226 sangar;!. The sage (Buddhaghosa) also began to compose a
commentary to the Paritta3. When the Thera Revata saw that,
227 he spake the following words: uThe text alone has been handed
down here (in Jambudipa), there is no commentary here. Nei-
228 ther have we the deviating systems of the teachers4. The com-
mentary in the Sihala tongue5 is faultless. The wise Mahinda
who tested the tradition6 laid before the three Councils7 as it
229 was preached by the Perfectly Enlightened one and taught by
Sariputta and the others, wrote it in the Sihala tongue and it
230 is spread among the Sihalas. Go thither, learn it8 and render
it into the tongue of the Magadhas9. It will bring blessing
231 to the whole world." Thus addressed, the wise (Buddhaghosa)
sallied forth joyful in the faith and entered the Island just in
232 the time of this King (Mahanama). He came to the Maha-
vihara, tie abode of all pious (people), went into the great
233 practising-house10, learned from Saxnghapala the commentary
1 "Speech" in P. ghosa. The second time TURNOUR translates it by
"fame", scarcely right. In this case the motivation with hi would not
apply. TCRNGDR avoids the difficulty by translating "an d throughout etc."
2 The DhammasaiigaTii is one of the books of the Abhidhamma
(cf. note to 44. 109). It and Its commentary the Atthasalim were pu-
blished by E. HOLLER (PTS. 1885, and 1807). On kaccha "elucidation"
see Culavs. ed. II, Index 2 s. v.
3 For the Paritta see GKIGER, Pali, p. 16 f. Cf, note to 46. 5.
4 P. ficariyavada. In the Mhvs. (5. 2) all these later schools are
placed in opposition to theravada, the original school represented in
the Pali Canon.
5 P. sfadlattiiakatha. For this see GEKIEH, Pali, p. 17.
6 P. A'athamagga, concrete: the traditional text as handed down to-
day, just as in JaCo. L 27»9 the word means ''traditional history".
7 For the history of the three Councils (xamgltfy see Mhvs. 3, 4, 5.
8 Lit. "hearken to it'1, all teaching- being oral.
9 That is from the Old Sinhalese into the Pali toBgue.
10 P. mahfipadhanaffhara. By padhfina is meant the practices in
which the zealous bhikkho engages in order to attain through the26
Mahanama
37.242
242 tences was there any kind of deviation in all three books. Then
the community satisfied and exceedingly well pleased, cried
243 again and again: "without doubt this is Metteyya!l" and handed
over to him the books of the three Pitakas together with the
commentary. Then dwelling in the Ganthakara-vihara2 which
244 lies far from all unquiet intercourse, he rendered the whole
of the Sihala commentaries into the tongue of the Magadhas,
245 the original speech of all. For beings of all tongues this
(rendering) became a blessing and all the teachers of the Thera-
246 vada3 accepted it as the original text. Then haying accom-
plished what he had to do, he set out for Jambudipa to adore
the sacred Bodhi Tree4.
247 When Mahanama had enjoyed the (dominion of the) earth
twenty and two years5 and done many meritorious works, he
passed away in accordance with his doing.
248 For all the power they had amassed and for all the glorious
splendours they had enjoyed all the rulers of the earth were
at the end unable to escape death. With the thought: thus
all beings are subject to the law of decay, the wise man should
forever entirely forsake the desire for wealth and even for life.
Here ends the thirty-seventh chapter, called 4The Six Kings',
in the Mahavanisa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.
foregoing theravadehi, on the other band, means quotations from the
commentaries.
1 The next expected Buddha. He Is now living as a Bodhisatta in
the Tusita heaven according to Mhvs. 82. 73. Cf. Th. KERK, Manual of
Indian Buddhism, p. 64, 65, 95,
2 Cf. 52. 57 with note.
3 See note to 37. 227.
4 The sacred tree of Bo-Gaya (see note to 37. 215), of which ac-
cording to the legend, the Bodhi Tree in the Maha?ihara at Anuradha-
pura is a cutting.
5 So also the Pujavaliya; only 20 years according to the Bajavaliya.
According to Chinese sources the King Mo-ho-nan 1= Mahanama) sent
a letter to the court of the Chinese emperor in the year which cor-
responds to 428 A. D. This however does not agree with the Sinhalese
chronology as it is generally accepted. See JRAS. C. Br, xxxv, nr. 68, p.
83.Sotthisena to Mittasena 27
CHAPTER XXXVIII
THE TEN KINGS
Mahanama's son Sotthisena1 was sprung from the womb 1
of a Damila woman, but his daughter Samgha was the (daugh-
ter) of the Mahesi. Now after Sotthisena had begun to reign 2
he was killed by Samgha. The selfsame day she had the drum
beaten2 and ceded (the sovereignty). to ber husband, the urn- 3
brella bearer3 (of the king). The latter built the Chattagga-
haka-tank and died in the course of the year.
Now a wise minister, a friend of this (umbrella bearer) 4
had the dead (prince) burnt in the (royal) demesne and secretly
made Mittasena a powerful rice thief, king in the belief 5
that he was suited for the sovereignty. He kept him in the
interior (of the palace) and under the pretext that the King
was ill, he himself wielded the sceptre. Now (on one occasion) 6
when there was a feast the people cried: "If a king is there,
let him come with us." When the Lord of men heard that, 7
he, arrayed in all his ornaments, said to those who led forth
the royal elephant: "this befits me not", and indicated the 8
1 Pujavaliya, Rajavallya and Rajaratnakaraya call this prince Sengot.
The two first sources agree that he was murdered in the afternoon of
the day he succeeded to the throne.
2 Government decrees were made public by beat of drum.
3 P. cJiattayfiahalctijaHtiinu. The "umbrella bearer" who has to' hold
the umbrella, the symbol of sovereignty, over the prince is a high court
official. We have all erred however (Tumour, Wijesinha and I myself
in my edition of the Culavs.) in regarding janlu as the name of the
official. The word means simply "individual, person" and stands almost
pleonastically tit the end of the compound, similarly to putt a. In none
of the other sources is the name Jantu met with. Rajavaliyu takes
Ghattaggahaka (Sink Satyalutka) itself for a proper name. In the Puja-28
Pandit
38.9
elephant made of stucco at the temple of the Tooth Relic1.
At the words: 4'it is the King's command", the elephant began
9 to move. The (King) mounted it, rode round the town with
his right side towards it and when he reached the eastern gate
by the Pathamacetiya2, he restored it to the Relic Temple3.
10 At the elephant wall4 of the three great cetiyas5 he had a
gateway6 constructed. After doing many meritorious works
Mittasena died in a year7.
11 The Damila named Panelu had slain Mittasena in battle
and now having come over from the opposite coast8, held sway
12 in Lanka. All the kinsmen of the noble families betook them-
valiya and the Rajaratnakaraya the King is called Lamani-Tis (Lamba-
kanna-Tiasa). They agree in giving the duration of his reign as one year.
1 TURNOUR and W. have misunderstood the passage, translating
sndhdnayam as "the white elephant", as if the text had suddhandgam.
The miraculous story as related here, thus differs in no way from the
version found in the Pujavaliya {Rajavaliya and Rajaratnakaraya).
2 On this cetiya see Mhvs. 14. 44 f.; GBIGEE, Mhvs, trsl., p. 95, n. 2;
PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 275. Remains of the thupa have been dis-
covered, as is shown by the newest plan of Anuradhapura.
3 The reading of the MSS. Mtum nagaram appayi is certainly wrong.
1 have not, however, ventured to alter it. My translation gives the
more likely sense. This would be in Pali something like dhdtughare
tarn appayi. The edition has dhatunagwn samappayi. Accordingly W.
taking pathamacetiyattJiane as the more distant object of samappayi,
translates "and commanded that he should (in future) be stationed at
the Pathama Cetiya outside the eastern ga£e." This is certainly wrong
both as to sense and construction.
4 The hatthipftk&ra is the supporting wall of the terrace on which
the stupa stands. It takes its name from the row of brick and stucco
elephants which project from it and appear to bear the platform. See
below 39. 30 and 41. 95, as also DIpavs. 20. 6.
5 Where three large cetiyas or thSpas are named together, Ruvanveli
(mahath&pa), Jetavana (Eastern Stupa) and Abhayagiri (Northern Stupa)
are meant.
f; P. torana, probably at the stairs which lead at the four sides to
the terrace.
7 Pujavaliya also gives Mittasena one year
8 That is from Southern India.38. 19
Pandu . 29
selves to Rohaya, on this side of the stream1 the Damilas ruled.
Those of the Moriya2 clan who had fled through fear of the 13
door-keeper Subha3 dwelt here and there (scattered about
the country). Amongst these was a house-owner in Nandiva- 14
pigama4 named Dhatusena. His son Dathanama who lived in 15
the village Ambilayagu, had two sons, Dhatusena and Sila-
tissabodhi, (both) by (a mother of) the same caste. Their mother's 16
brother had in faith undergone the ceremony of renunciation
of the world and lived in the dwelling built by Dighasanda5.
The young Dhatusena underwent with him likewise the cere- 17
niony of world-renunciation. Now once as the latter was reciting
(sacred texts) at the foot of a tree a cloud began to rain. A
snake seeing this, encircled him in her folds and covered the 18
book and the boy with her hood. The uncle saw that. Another
time another penitent in his wrath threw dung at his head 19
but failed therewith to disturb6 his spirit. The uncle beheld
1 On the left bank of the Mahaveliganga which was always regarded
as the boundary between North Ceylon with Anuradhapura and later
Polonnaruva as centre and the south-eastern province Roharja.
2 The organisation of society was throughout totemistic. Five clan
names known to me: Taraceha, Lambakanna, Balibhojaka, Moriya, Ku-
linga (and probably Gokanna), are one and all names of beasts (hyenas,
tigers or hares, crows, peacocks, fork-tailed shrikes). A sixth
name
Monasihaka (90. 7) contains in its second part a beast name. To these
must be added the name of the Sihala themselves, the "Lion-men" so-
called after Vijaya who belonged to the Lion clan. His father was
SXbabahu, his grandfather a lion. Fables according to which the mem-
bers of a elan are descended from the animal whose name they bear
are very frequent. TYLOB, Anfange der Cultur, II, 235; FRAZKK, Totemism,
p. 3ff.
n Mhvs. 35. 5 Iff. Subha reigned 118-124 A. D.
4 A Nandigama-viham was built by that same Subha gangante, that
is on the bank, near the Mahavaluka-ganga (Mhvs. 35. 58). Nandigama
was not far from Kacchakatittha. See 37. 213, note.
5 DTghasandana was the senapati of King Devanampiyatissa. He*
built (Mhvs. 15. 212 f.) a pariveria in the Mabavihara which was called
ufter him.
6 We have to imagine that Dhatuaenu was sunk in meditation which
even the inconsiderate conduct of the penitent could not disturb. He30
, Pandit
38.20
20 that too and thinking: "that is in very truth, a most excellent
being, without doubt he will become king, he must be pro-
21 tected", he went along with him into a .vihara and in-
structed him in the Gonisa-vihara with the object: "he must
22 be made a master in state-craft1". Panduka heard this and
sent people to seize him. In the night the Thera had a dream
23 about it and fetched the boy away. Scarcely had he departed
when the people surrounded (the house) but did not find him
in the parive^a. The twain (uncle and nephew) departed thence
24 and when, farther south2, they reached the great river called
Gona3 then just in flood, they were obliged to halt, much
25 as they wished to press forward. The Thera spake: "even as
this river holds us back, so do thou (in future time) hold back
26 its course by collecting its waters in a tank,"4 and he descended
with the boy into the stream. A snake king saw the twain
27 and offered its back. With its aid he reached the bank and
brought the boy to the frontier, and (once) while staying there
was not moved to indignation by it. It must be noted that the same
breach of conduct as that of the penitent is ascribed (38. 113f.) to
Dhatusena himself and that his fearful end was regarded as expiation
. of it.
1 The passage is somewhat dubious. In the first place I believe that
the words ddaya tarn eihfiram upagafa mean: he fetched him out of
the Dighasanda-parivena. As that lay in Anuradhapura the youthful
Dhatusena was here not safe enough from possible machinations of the
king. His uncle took him to the G-onisa monastery (gonisadwihara means
the monastery whose name begins with gonisa). We do not know where
this monastery was as it is not otherwise mentioned ? possibly in the
south of the capital. For the rest I follow the conjectural nltimd of
M. GEIGEE which makes the sense far more pregnant. As his uncle
regards Dhatusena as the future king-, his task is to acquaint him with
miit i. e. statecraft. W. turns Gonisldivihara into the oratio recta:
"I must render this youth accomplished at the Gkmisada (sic!) vihara1' ?
a meaning to my mind less probable.
2 Or perhaps "near the Dakkhinadesa". See 41. 35, note.
3 Now the Kala-oya flowing into Dutch Bay.
4 An allusion to the Kalavapi afterwards constructed by King
Dhatusena. See 38, 42.38. 37 Parinda to
Dhatusena 31
he got milk broth (as alms); he ate thereof and put what was
over into the alms-bowl1 of his nephew. The latter out of 28
reverence for the Thera poured the rice on the ground. Then
the Thera perceived that he would enjoy the earth2.
After reigning, King Pandu died in the fifth year, likewise 29
his son Paririda in the third year3. Parinda's youngest brother, 30
Khuddaparinda, then ruled the wide earth and persecuted all
those who attached themselves to Dhatusena. Dhatusena won 31
over the people for himself and fought against the King. The
latter after accomplishing works both meritorious and evil,
died at the end of sixteen years. Hereupon Tiritara became 32
King; two months later he was destroyed by Dhatusena who
fought a great battle with him. After this prince had been 33
killed, the Damila Dathiya became king, but was slain at
the end of three years by Dhatusena. Hereupon there followed 34
the Damila Pithiya who after seven months went to his de-
struction. The race of the Damilas was annihilated in battle
with Dhatusena.
Now the Lord of men Dhatusena became king in Lanka. 35
Together with his brother'1 lie waged on the Island by every
means unceasing warfare with the ravagers of the Island, the 36
Damilas, building4 fortresses, twenty-one in number. And having
thus thoroughly cleared the country and made its inhabitants 37
1 P. pattena. Not "with the refection dish", as translated by TURNOUR.
2 P. Ihunjate mahim is a figurative expression for "ruling".
?* I should now prefer the reading putto Parindo pi tatiye, tasm
bhatuko etc. (with the Colombo edition and WIJBSINHA). Rajaratnakaraya
namely, speaks of six Damila princes who had reigned together 27 years
before Dhatusena ascended the throne. The same number is found in
the Rajavaliya and the sum of the single numbers in the Cfllavamsa
gives the same figure, in so far as we allot Parinda a reign of not quite
three years.
4 TURNOUR'S translation "he entirely extirpated the Damijas" etc. is
inexact. That is not there. The ace, Dumile in 35 can only be go-
verned by Jcatcd yuddham, in 36, which is treated (see ulso 76. 100) as
a transitive verb: after he building fortresses had fought the Damijas,
and after he had cleared the country and had made . . ., he restored . .
.32 Dhdtusena
38. 38
happy, he restored to its former place the Order1 which
88 had been destroyed by the foe. But wroth with those belon-
ging to noble clans or to kinship villages2 who had atta-
ched themselves to the Darailas and protected neither himself
39 nor the sacred doctrine, he deprived them of their Tillages and
left their villages defenceless. But to all the people of noble
40 clans who had come to Rohar^a and supported him he showed
fitting honour and (gave) marks of esteem, and to his ministers,
the companions of his misfortunes, he brought contentment.
41 By damming up the great stream3 he created fields which were
permanently watered. In the Mahapali Hall he distributed rice
42 fare to the bhikkhus. As dwelling-place for cripples and for
such as suffered from a disease the wise (prince) built asylums.
By building the Kalavapi4 he dammed up the mighty Gona river.
43 After he had provided the peaceful Mahavihara with bands
of ornament5 he had a house, worthy to behold, erected for
44 the Bodhi Tree6. He provided the bhikkhus plentifully with
1 P. sasanctm "the doctrine" is used in exactly irhe same sense as
we speak of "church". He restored the Buddhist church.
2 The contrast is between single individuals (kulind) and clan unions
(kiilafjama with shortening of the final vowel metri causa). W.'s trans-
lation "nobles and landlords" is inexact.
3 The Mahavalukaganga (Mahaveliganga).
1 Now Kala-veva, 25 miles (= 40 km.) S. S. E. of Anuradhapura.
5 W. translates the passage thus: "he improved the mahavihara by
adding regular walks thereto'1. It is quite right that here as one might
expectj pantiyuttam and andktdain are closely associated, but I do not
know how panti can be made to mean "walk", In the Mhvs. the word
is chiefly used of the decorative pictures done in relief or painted on
the walls of the buildings: See 27. 37; 30. 65; 32. 4 etc. I should be
inclined to use the word in this sense in our passage and in v. 69.
6 P. bodhighara. Mr. HOCART writes (18-9-26) that by boge (P. bodki-
geha) is understood now, in Dambadeniya for instance, a small chapel
erected beside the bodhi tree. At the same time he points out that the
picture of a tree with a superstructure occurs in the Sanchi reliefs.
I believe in fact that in the first instance bodhigJmra or -geha denotes
a building or a wooden roof, erected over the bodhi tree, of course only
over the trunk which in the case of the Ficus religiosa is always very
while the straggling branches spread away over it. Cf. with this38.51
Dhatusena
33
the four necessaries and like Dhamruasoka1 he brought about
a redaction of the three Pitakas. He had eighteen viharas built 45
and provided with revenues for the adherents of the Thera
School and (he erected) eighteen tanks on the Island2. Kala- 46
vapi-vihara, the (vihara) called Kotipassava, the (vihara) called
Dakkhinagiri and the vihara called Vaddha; the Pawa valla- 47
kabhuta and the (vihara) called Bhallataka and in the district
PaSanasinna the vihara Dhatusenapabbata; the Mangana(-viha~ 48
ra), the Thupavitthi(-vihara) and the Dhatusena(-vihara) in the
north, the Pacinakambavitthi(-vihara) and the Antaramegiri
(-vihara); the (viharas) Attalhidhatusena and Kassipitthika- 49
dhatusena, in Rohaya the (viharas) Dayagama, Salavana, Vibhi-
sana and the vihara Bhillivana: these eighteen viharas are 50
mentioned3. This best of men built the tanks Padulaka, Ham-
batthi, Mahadatta and others4, and also eighteen smaller viharas 51
51, 54. I had the impression on the spot in the Mahavihara, tbat it
would have been an easy matter to shut off the ten-ace built round
the sacred tree by means of a roof. For the analogous tkffpagfaara see
note to 48. 66.
1 Alluding to the Third Council at Pataliputta under Asoka (269-227
B. C.) See Mb vs. trsl, p. LVI S.
2 The same is related of Dhatusena by the Pujavaliya, the Raja-
valiya and the Rajaratnakaraya. In these later sources the form of the
name is DasenkaHya.
3 Of these eighteen viharas only four are also mentioned in other
parts of the Culavamsa, namely Kalavapi, Dakkhlnagiri, BhaOataka and
Salavana. The Kalavapl-vihara is perhaps the monastery which now
bears the name of Aukuna-vihara. If the Kotipassava-vihara is the same
as the Kotipassavana mentioned 37. 212, then it was not founded by
Dhatusena but merely restored. The same is the case with the Dakkhina-
gin-vihara which according to Mhvs. 33. 7, was founded by Saddhatissu*
the brother of Dutthagainatu. 1 ain inclined (see D. FEHGUSON, JRAS.
C. B. 1911, XXIi, Nr. «U, p. 197 ff.) to identify this with the
Mulkirigala-
vihara N. E. from Mataia. Instead of cihtiro raddhantimtil'O the Col. ed.
reads contrary to the MSS. v. r>addh
tree of this name occurs twice (13. 5 and 49. 15).
4 Pujavaliya names the following tanks as Dhatusena's work: Kala,
Balalu, Kelavasa, Badulu, Kaltmnarn, Danavalla, Udanviti, Panagamu,
Manamatu, Kitmii^i, Mahadabara, Samgamu, Suruhi, Malasu, Mabaraidel,
Mahaeli. The two first are the Kala- and Balaluveva which are connected
S34 Dtiafasena
38.52
and likewise (many small) tanks which he made over to them.
52 He removed the Mayura-parive^ia1- which was five and twenty
cubits high, and replaced it by a pasada twenty-one cubits in
53 height. To Kumarasena (bis brother) he made over his former
revenues and fixed them exactly2: (namely) one half to the
54 Kalavapi and two hundred fields. He renovated the ruined
Lohapasada and he restored the dilapidated umbrellas3 on the
55 three great thupas. For the Bodhi Tree of him (the Buddha)
to whom was vouchsafed the highest enlightenment, he insti-
tuted a bathing festival like the Bodhi Tree festival instituted
56 by Devanaippiyatissa. He set up there sixteen bath maidens
of bronze4 and arranged for the adornment and consecration
57 of the Prince of the wise5. Since the planting of the great
Bodhi Tree6 the rulers of Lanka have instituted in every twelfth
58 year (of their reign) a festival for the Bodhi Tree. After having
an image made of the great Thera Mahinda he brought it to
the spot where the Thera's body had been burnt7, to organise
with each other. rlhc Rajaratnakaraya mentions Kalahallu (Kala-Balalu ?)
and Baclulu,
1 The same as Mora-parivena 37. 172. See note to the passage. The
new building was 6ft. (roughly 1,80 metres) lower tban the former pasada.
2 P. appetva visodhayi, Gf. skr. tisodlutyati meaning "to make clear,
to determine, to fix" (BE. the word mdh with m).
3 Chat fa in P. denotes the sharp cone forming the top of a thupa.
It is a conventionalized umbrella as symbol of dominion, of the spiritual
world dominion of the Buddha. For the three thupas see note to 38. 10.
4 All MSS. have dhavanalokakannayo. In spite of 42. 33 I do not
venture to alter the traditional text into -ndcdyo. What the "bath*
maidens1' were, whether perhaps bronze figures with water vessels; we
do not know.
5 We must imagine a ceremony in which the image of the Buddha
is. clad in royal garments and solemnly consecrated just as a king1 at
his coronation.
6 By Devanampiyatissa in the Mahavihara according to Mhv. 18.1 ff,
The Bo-tree here was according to the legend, a cutting of the tree at
Bo-Gaya.
7 Local 'tradition regards the remains on the north side of the Thu-
parama as those of the cetiya built for Mahinda. To the east of the
Thuparaaia . lies the grave of his sister Samghamitta, For the death
and burial of the two see Mhvs. 20. 30 ff.38.65
DJiatusena 85
there at great cost a sacrificial festival. He gave orders with 59
the outlay of a thousand gold pieces1, for the Interpretation of
the Dipavamsa2 and commanded sugar to be distributed among
the bhikkhus dwelling there. Remembering how once a bhikkhu 60
had thrown dung at his head, he gave to the parivena where he
himself had dwelt no gifts of any kind3. He undertook buildings 61
for the enlargement of the Abhayuttara-vihara and for the
stone image of the Master (Buddha)4 he had a shrine erected
with a mandapa5. As the eye6 placed by Buddhadasa (in the 62
image) had been lost, he made a pair of costly jewels Into eyes
for the Master. Further he wrought a gleaming diadem of 63
rays and out of dark blue gems a shining coil of hair, like-
wise a bandolier of gold and a tuft of down (between the brows)
and a golden garment, a mandorla of gold, a lotus flower and 64
a magnificent lamp. There also he presented countless robes of
divers colours7. In the Image house of the Bahumangala-ceti- 65
1 Where only figures are given In the mention of values the uni-
form currency, the kaJiapana should be added. On this see RHYS DAVIDS,
Buddhist India p. 101 f.
2 P. dipetum Dipavamsatn. FLEET has translated this ingeniously
as: *'to write a dlpika on the Dipavarasa" (JKAS. 1909, p, 5, n, 11 In
this dipika he recognises the (older) Mahavairmt for whoso composition
an approximate date might thus be found. ! was myself (Mbvs. tn*l.
p. XI f.) inclined to follow him. But I have since had scruples. Versus
58,?-59 belong in construction most closely together.
Consequently
dipetum Dlpavamnam must refer to an action which took place within
the framework of a festival, That however, can only have been a
reading of the Dlpavamsa, perhaps with historical and legendary
explanations, but not the composition of so voluminous u work an the
Mahavamsa.
3 See above 33. 19. 1 believe we must read (ittantl instead of -w.
'"the parivena inhabited by Dhatusena himself'1, an instrumental
being absolutely necessary in connection with the Parfcie. Prat-fr.
r«rt/i»w*«.
* This stone image was a celebrated statue of the Buddlia manift**tly
held peculiarly sacred and which is repeatedly mentioned under various
names: here Si?aaatthar, 89. 7 StlawmbudiVia, 51.77,87 6'*/<7
>*«//?*******w- .
da, probably also 88, 65 lkala*ekwaithfir (see note to the passiigft.
5 See note to 37. 103. 6 fc>ee above H7. 1*23.
17 Verses 62-64 show us how people were accustomed to the36
Dhatusma
38.66
yal lie erected Bodhisatta figures and In the same (Image house)
66 he had a diadem' of rays made for the image of the Master
in black stone2 and for the world teacher named Upasumbha.
87 Also lie had the ornament described above jmade for the Buddha
Image known as Abhiseka and a Bodhisatta temple on the left
68 side of the BodhI Tree. Tor the (Bodhisatta) Metteyya3 he had
the complete equipment of a king prepared and ordained a
89 guard for him within the radius of a yojana4. He had the
* viharas adorned with bands of ornament called dhaturaji and
Buddha statues and decorate them with jewels. The ramsiculamani
(often only mlawam) seems to be the bundle of rays or flames above
the head which distinguishes the figures of the Buddha from those of
his disciples (cf. also below v. 66 and Mhvs. 52. 65; 53, 49). By kesci-
vattftmsu we must .understand the knot or tuft of hair on the top of
the head, so often found in Buddha images. To imitate the blue-black
colour of the hair it is here made of dark sapphires. The kemaeaddha
(cf. amavaddhcika Vin. I. 204rto) is probably the carrying band for the
alms bowl. On a bronze figure of the Buddha in my possession there
is a band over the left shoulder. The tuft of hair obove the nose
(iwnalowa) is a well known physical feature of the Mahavlra. The golden
garment (sovannaavara) is the yellow robe of the Order of Buddha and
of his disciples, the lotus flower (padumcfy the throne on which the
figure sits or stands. The padajdla (cf. also Mhv. 52. 65, 53. 50, as well
as the inscriptional padctdala, WIOKBBMASINGHE, EZ. I 22115) is the
mandorla behind the figure as is frequently seen in bronzes and in the
Buddha pictures of Central Asia (cf. A. von LE COQ, Die Buddhlstische
Spat an tike Mittelasiens Y, plate 7, 18). Amongst the votive, gifts there
must of course be a lamp (dipa). The robes of divers colours are pro-
bably draped about the ima«ge at various festivals, according to the
character of these.
1 Probably the Mafigak-cetiya mentioned 37. 183.
2 1 suggest reading; bodhisatte ca tatthapi Kalaselassa satthuno with
slight alteration of tatthasi which is certainly corrupt. What follows
shows that the different Buddha images had their special names. The
Kalasela was obviously so called because the statue was made of black
stone (amphibolic gneiss?). It is very likely the same as the Stiasam-
Inuldha, -stttthar (see above v. 61, note). The Abhiseka, is named again
39. 6, 40.
3 See 87. 212, note.
. f FLBIT (JEAS. 1906 p. 1011 f.) calculates the. Buddhist ytyana as
being 464 miles = roughly 8 km. ? -38.77
Dhdt-usena 37
(he erected) for a hundred thousand (gold pieces) a large and
splendid house for the Bodhi Tree. In the Thuparama (he in- 70
stituted) as offering to the thupa a restoration of what was
ruined (in the thupa). Likewise in the Temple of the Tooth
Relic he repaired what was dilapidated, and to the Tooth Relic 71
he dedicated a casket for the tooth relic, a halo made of clo-
sely fitting mosaic thickly set with precious stones1 and golden 72
lotus flowers, and he instituted offerings without number. To
the bhikkhus dwelling on the Island he distributed robes and
other (gifts). Having undertaken renovations in the viharas 73
here and there, he had some fine stucco work executed for the
wall of the (Relic) house. (In the same way) he had valuable 74
stucco work made for the three big cetiyas and put up a golden
umbrella2 as well as a ring for protection against lightning3.
Dhammarucika bhikkhus4 dwelt (at that time) in the Mali a- 75
vihara which had been destroyed by the ruthless Mahasena.
After Dhatusena had built the Ambattbala-vihara on the Cetiya- 76
pabbata5 he wished to hand it over to the adherents of the
Thera School. But being entreated by the Dhammarucikas the
monarch accordingly made it also, over to them. For the pro- 77
1 W. here mistakenly connects mahaggJtamanisamkinnam with pad -
mani instead of with ramsini ghanakuttimam. For tjhanakuttiwa cf.
Cnlavs. ed. II, List of Words s. v. J'uttima; further Mb vs. 51. 69.
2 Gf, above note to 38. 54. The cones of the thnpas were gilded.
Cf. with verses 74 and 75 also 41. 95.
3 P. rajiracumbatam. It is related Mhvs. 36. 66 of Samghatissa that
he placed a vajiracumlatfim on the top of the Mahathiipa. On this the
Tika has the following interesting notice (p. 487, 19): tntheva Mahdthfi-
pawa utuddhani satasahassagghanakam mahdmaniilca patitthtipetrd t(ts*a
Jiettha asaniuppaddavaviddhamsanatthaw adhdracalayanca katcd anaggliam
rnjiracutnbcttakafoca pftjexlti aliho. It is thus a case of an appliance
against lightning placed at the top of the cone of the thiSpa. What is
doubtful is whether vajira means here "diamond" or "lightning".
4 A sect which according to Mhvs. 5. 13, branched off in Ceylon. For
the history of this sect see A. M. HOCAHT, ASC. Mem. I. 15 ff.
5 Name of the Missaka mountain (now Mlhintale). Cf. above note
to 87. 60. The Dhainmarucikas, therefore, got possession of both vihuras,
the Mahavihara and the Ambatthala-viliara.38
Dhatusena 38.78
cession of the Relic he had a boat1 made of copper and in-
stituted a regular alms with the produce of twice five ammaipias
78 (field)2. Within and without the city this incomparable (prince)
like Dhammasoka3 built temples to the Victor (Buddha) and
79 raised images. What man would be capable of enumerating
one after another his meritorious works? Thus these have been
but superficially noted.
80 Dhatusena had two sons: Kassapa by a mother of unequal
birth and the mighty Moggallana by a mother of equal caste,
81 also a charming daughter who was dear to him as his life.
On his sister's son he bestowed the dignity of senapati4 and
82 gave him his daughter (to wife). Without blame (on her part)
he struck her with his whip on the thigh. When the King
83 saw the blood-stained garment of his daughter and heard (of
the affair) he in his wrath had his nephew's mother5 burnt
naked. From that time onward (his nephew) nursed hatred
84 (against the king), joined Kassapa, awoke in him the desire
for the royal dignity, estranged him from his father, won over
his subjects and took the ruler (Dhatusena) prisoner alive.
85 Thereupon Kassapa raised the umbrella of dominion and des-
troyed the people who sided with his father, having every
86 scoundrel as his comrade. Moggallana whose intention it was
to fight him, betook himself, as he could raise no forces, to
87 Jambudipa to find troops there. Now to torment still farther
the Lorcl of men (Dhatusena) sorely smitten as he already was
1 The use of barks or boats for carrying the images or symbols of
the Deity (here the relics) in festive processions is widespread. Germany
offers numerous examples (MA.NNHABDT, Wald- und Feldkulte, I. 593 if.,
v. SCHRODER, Arische-Religion II. 661 Anm.); but we meet with the
custom also among the Egyptians (TIELE, Religion im Altertum I. 67)
and among other peoples.
2 P, antmana is a dry measure for measuring corn, then also the
measure for a field, as much as one can sow with an ammanct. In Sink
an amunit (see CLOUGH, Sinhalese Dictionary) represents as field measure
about 2 to 2*/2 acres (roughly o. 8 to 1 hectar).
3 Of. above 38. 44 with note.
4 P.senapacca, the dignity of Commander-in-chief-of the army (nenapati).
5 Thus his own sister.38.99 Dhatusena
39
by loss of his kingdom, separation from his son (Moggallana)
and by life in a dungeon, the deluded (Senapati) spake thus 88
to King Kassapa: "There are treasures lying in the King's
palace, 0 King, has thy father told it to thee?" On the answer 89
"no" he said: "Knowest thou .not his intention, 0 Monarch?
for Moggallana he keeps his wealth". When he heard that, 90
this most wicked of men grew furious and sent messengers
to his father with the command to make known the place
where the treasure lay. The latter thought: this is a pretext 91
of the villain to kill us, and he kept silence. The messengers
went and told the King. He became very wroth and sent 92
(messengers) again and again. Dhafcusena thought: it is well,
I will visit my friend1, bathe in the Kalavapi and then die, 93
arnd (he) spake to the messengers: "if he lets me go to the
Kalavapi he shall learn it." The messengers went and told 94
the King and the King joyful in his thirst for gold, sent mes-
sengers to whom he gave a chariot with a damaged axle2. As 95
the Monarch drove thither, the driver who guided the chariot,
ate roasted corn and gave him also a little of it. He ate of 96
it, had joy over the man and gave him a leaf for Moggallana
asking him to make him gate-keeper as a reward3. Thus is 97
good fortune fleeting as the lightning. How then can the sen-
sible man be intoxicated by it? When the Thera heard: the 98
King comes, he put aside the bean soup and chicken4 he had
received remembering: the King likes that, and took his seat 99
1 He means the Thera who had been his teacher. Cf. 38. 16 £
2 P.jinnena-tH-altlchina. W. translates "with his eyes sunk in grief",
but dkJchi is here not "eye", but ,,axle". The word for . "axle1' is other-
wise al'kha = Skr. al'sa. The form akliti which is borne out by our
passage, is important as it is nearer to the Latin axis, lit. aszts. In
jmnenamaJcl'Mnd the consonant tn is as often used to remove a hiatus,
See GBIGEE, Pali § 78. 2. It would also be possible to read jinnee a
3 The inf. I'dtum is in a sense to be taken twice, first with the
obj. samgaliam, then with the obj. (haranaijakam.
4 P. mamstwi sakunnm for sakulam according- to the perfectly cor-
rect conjecture of SUMANGALA and BATUWANTODAWA, primarily "flesh
of birds".
. .40 Dhatusena
38.100
(awaiting the guest). The King came, greeted him respectfully
100 and took a place at his side. Thus the twain sat side by side
(joyful) as if they had gained a kingdom, and their mutual
101 converse chased their cares away. After the Thera had enter-
tained the King, he admonished him in many ways and en-
couraged him to strive ceaselessly, showing him how the world
102 is subject to the law (of impermanency). Then Dhatusena betook
himself to the tank, plunged as he liked therein, bathed and
103 drank and spake to the King's henchmen: "This here, my friends,
is my whole wealth1". When the King's henchmen heard that
they took him with them to the town and informed the King.
104 The Lord of men thought;: he is keeping his treasure for his
son and as long as he lives he will estrange the people of
the Island from me. He was filled with fury and commanded
105 the Senapati thus: "Slay my father." He (the Senapati) rejoiced
(saying): now I have seen the back of my foe2. Pull of bitter-
106 ness, adorned with all his ornaments, he betook himself to the
King (Dhafcusena) and strutted up and down before him. When
107 the King saw that he thought: this villain wants to ruin my
soul even as my body and bring it to hell. Shall I fulfil his
108 wish by letting anger rise within me? Awaking loving thoughts
within himself, he spake to the Senapati: "I have the same
109 feelings for thee as for Moggallana."". The other laughing shook
his head. When the ruler saw this he realised: to-day even
110 he will slay me. Thereupon the brutal (Senapati) stripped the
king naked, bound him with chains and fetters in a niche in
111 the wall3 with his face outwards4 and closed it up with clay.
What wise man seeing this would still hanker after pleasures
1 With these words Dhatusena points at the Kalavapi constructed
by him.
2 That is: 1 am the victor, I have won the game.
3 Lit: in the inside of the wall.
4 P. jjnmttfulbhimHkhum. W. translates this "with the face to the
east". This is of eoorse possible, but one Bees no particular reason why
he should face the east. According to my conception of the ]>asHage,
the idea is that Dhatusena's torture should be increased by his
a. witness of the whole process of being immured.38.115
Dhdtusena 41
or life or fame? The Lord of men Dhatusena went thus after 112
18 years1, murdered by his son, to the King of the gods. When
this king was building the Kalavapi tank he saw a bhikkhu 113
sunk in meditation and as he could not rouse him out of his
absorption, he had a clod of earth flung at the bhikkhu's head. 114
The consequence of this deed experienced in his lifetime has
been described (in the story of his violent death).
These ten excellent kings also with all their treasures have 115
fallen into the jaws of death, robbed of their treasures. Can
a wise man when he sees the fleeting nature of the rich and
of wealth2 crave for earthly joys3?
Here ends the thirty-eighth chapter, called 4The Ten Kings1,
the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.
1 Pujav. Raja~v. and Rajaratn. all give the same number.
2 P. bhoc/avato dfiane ca. The loc. dfiane stands, as frequently,
for
the genitive dkanassa.
3 W. does not translate this indispensable strophe. It occurs in all
the MSS. known to me.Kassapa I,
CHAPTER XXXIX
THE HISTORY OF THE TWO KINGS
1 Thereupon the wicked ruler called Kassapa sent forth his
2 groom and his cook. But as he was unable (through these)
to slay his brother, he betook himself through fear to Siha-
3 gin1 which is difficult of ascent for human beings. He cleared
(the land) round about, surrounded it with a wall and built
a staircase2 in the form of a lion. Thence it took its name
4 (of Sihagiri). He collected treasures and kept them there
well protected and for the (riches) kept by him he set guards
5 in different places. Then he built there a fine palace, worthy
1 Now Sigiri, about 38 miles S, E. of Anuradhapura and ten miles
N. E. of Dambulla in the Central Province.
2 P. vtissenifjehani. The word cannot refer, as W. assumes, to the
galleries which partly cut into the rock, lead halfway up the face of
the Sigiri rock, as sihdMrena is inapplicable to these. It is far more
likely that what is meant is the staircase built on the north terrace of
the rock at the end of the galleries where the second half of the ascent
begins. This structure had in fact the form of a recumbent lion, per-
haps of the fore part of the body. It was made of brick. The claws
of the outstretched right paw of the lion still exist. Their dimen-
sions ? they reach to the breast of a man standing upright ? give
some idea of the gigantic proportions of the lion's figure. It appears
there was a door between the two paws Into the breast of the lion
whence steps led through its body to the beginning of the staircase
leading to the heights of the Sigiri rock. I am inclined to think that
this staircase was of wood. There were no galleries on this part of the
rock on its northern side. The ascent is made now by means of a steep
iron ladder. The use of the plural nissenigehfiwi is due to the fact that
the structure consists of a series of separate parts.39.12
Kassapa L 43
to behold, like another Alakamanda1 and dwelt there like (the
god) Kuvera. The Senapati by name Migara, built a pari- 6
venu called after himself and a house for the victor Abhiseka2.
He sought (permission to hold) a consecration festival3 for it 7
even greater than that for the stone image of the Buddha4.
As leave was not granted him, he refrained with the resolve:
I shall seek for it (again) under the sovereignty of the right-
ful ruler.
Kassapa began to rue the deed he had done and with the 8
thought: how can I be saved? he performed many meritorious
works. He planted gardens about the gates of the city and 9
mango groves over the Island at a yojana's distance from each
other. He restored the Issarasama^arama5 so that it was 10
larger than the former ground 69 bought villages for its sup-
port and granted them to it. He had two daughters, Bodhi 11
and Uppalavanna; he gave their names and his own to this
vihara7. When he handed it over to the samanas of the 12
1 See above note to 87. 106.
2 As to this and other images of the Buddha see 38.65-67 with note.
3 W. (note to the passage): "The abhiseka of an image is the setting
or painting of its eyes, a ceremony generally performed with great
splendour. It Is the Netra-pinJcama of the Sinhalese Buddhists". The
name of the Abhiseka festival suggests however, that it had a still more
comprehensive meaning.
4 The festival instituted by Dhatusena, for the SIla-Buddfaa Is descri-
bed 38. 62 if. See the notes.
5 Now the Isurumuni-vihara, in the south of Anuradhapura situated
not far from the Tissaveva tank. It is first mentioned under Devanam-
piyatissa (Mhvs. 20. 14).
6 I join adhikam directly with karetca "he made . . , larger than . . .
See the following note.
7 Our chronicle here gets valuable confirmation from inscriptions. In
an inscription of Mahinda 17. found in Vessagiri, it is stated that the
King had taken care that the Isuramenu-Bo-UpuIvan-Kasubgiri-vihara
should be constantly supplied with water from the Tissaveva (WICKREHA-
SINGUK, EZ. I, p. 31 if.). The Vessagiri-vihara lies only about */a a
mile
j»outh of the Issara&amaga-vihara at. the south-east corner of the
Tissaveva.
From the agreement of the inscription and the expression
I'aretvd
pubbavatthuto adhikam in v. 10 it is clear that Kassapa L made a great44
Kassapa L
39.13
Thera School they were loth to take it, fearing the reproach
13 of the people1, because it was the work of a parricide. As
however, the King wished to give it to them, he presented it
to the image of the Supreme Buddha. Then the bhikkhus
14 agreed, thinking: it belongs to the Master2. In the same way
he built a vihara in the Niyyanti-garden near the mountain,
15 which then bore their name3. He granted this vihara equip-
ped with the four necessaries, to the Dhammarucis4 and in
16 addition a garden lying to the north of it. Now once when
eating a tasty dish of rice prepared with sannlra5 frnit, cooked
with butter and exquisite spices which a woman had offered
17 him, he thought: this is delicious, I will treat the brethren6
to it, and he had the like dish of rice given to the bhikkhus
18 along with a robe. He kept the Uposatha festival7 and culti-
vated the appamanna8, he took on himself the pious du-
monastie establishment out of the Yessagiri and Issarasamana viharas
and that this enlarged monastery was named after his two daughters
and after Eassapa himself. WICKREMASINGHE'S assumption loc. cit. is
thus confirmed. Vessagiri is first mentioned Mhvs. 20. 15 in close
connection with Issarasamana.
1 Lit. "somewhat fearing what the world finds blamable".
2 P. Wiogo no satthuno, thus something that benefits not the mona-
stery or its inmates, but the Buddha himself.
3 Uncertain. I take Niyyanti for the name of the garden. The
mountain near which it lies is very likely the SihagirL Tesamndwo
means the names of the King and of his daughters.
4 See above note to 38. 75.
5 P. sannlra occurs besides here three times: 74. 204 as tree along
with Jcadall, pug a, nalikera; as fruit along with many other fruits 100.
5,
and as blossom 100. 26. It is pretty certain that what is meant is the
royal coco-nut.
6 P. ayydnam according to the happy conjecture of S. and B. Ayi/a
used of the bhikkhus in general is found for instance Vin. I. 10116, it
is frequently used with a proper name as ayyo Annndo Vin. II. 290 28S
ayyo MahaJcassapo S. II. 21531 etc.
7 That is he kept on the Uposatha days the five or eight Buddhist
moral commands {sildni, see CHII/DEBS s. v.)
8 By appamantta certain virtues are understood which the believing
Buddhist practises and which regulate his relations with the outside
world. There are four of these, D. IIL 22B f; metta "a loving spirit",
"pity"; muditd "joyous sympathy", upekhd "serenity",39.27
Kassapa L 45
ties1 and had books copied. He made images, built alms-halls 19
and the like in great numbers: always he lived in fear of the
other world and of Moggallana.
Now in the eighteenth year the royal hero Moggallana 20
came hither at the information of the Niganihas2 with twelve
distinguished friends from Jambudlpa and collected troops at 21
the Kuthari-vihara in the Ambatthakola district. When the 22
King heard of it he thought: I will seize and devour3 him,
and though the soothsayer declared it to be impossible, he
went forth with an array of forces. Moggallana likewise (set 23
forth) with an army ready for battle, accompanied by his
heroic friends, like to the god Sujampati4 who fares forth5
to fight with the demons. When the two hosts fell on each 24
other like two seas that have burst their bounds, they fought
a mighty battle. Kassapa espying a great stretch of swamp 25
in front of him, turned his elephant to seek another road.
When his troops seeing that, with the cry: Friends, our com- 26
mander here flees! broke up in disorder, the troops of Mog-
gallana cried: uWe see their backs"6! But the King with his 27
dagger cut his throat, raised the knife on high and stuck it
1 The dlmtakga are certain ascetic observances of an outward kind
thirteen in number. It is not expected that these should be kept si-
multaneously, but it is meritorious to observe one or other of them.
They are meant primarily for the bhikkhus not for laymen.
2 Name for the adherents of the Jaina sect.
3 As a ferocious beast seizes his prey and devours it.
* According to the Abhidhanappadrpika 18 name of the god Sakka.
or Indra "consort of Suja".
5 MftygaHano pi must be supplemented by the verb mkkhawi from
the preceding verse. The part. gaccJianto belongs to Sujampati. It must
not be regarded as representing a finite verb, as we have to deal here
not with the description of a condition but with the narration of a fact.
s Of. for this phrase 38. 105 with the note. The construction of the
sentence is difficult. The Col. Ed. changes balaltayii into balakdyo and
reads with the inferior MSS. pabhtjjittlta. It is possible to retain the
reading of the better MSS. if we assume for this passage the freer
use of the gerund in the sense of an absolute participle, as it frequently
occurs in the later chapters. See Culavs. ed.» Introd. p. XVI; as also
48. 78?79.46 Moggallana L
39.28
28 in the sheath1. Moggallana carried out the ceremonies of
burning, glad at his brother's deed2. He took the whole of
29 the (royal) treasure3 and came to the capital4. When the
bhikkhus heard of this event, decently clad in their upper
and nether robes, and having cleansed the vihara, they ran-
30 ged themselves according to rank. When Moggallana came
to the Mahameghavana5, as the King of the gods to the
Nandana (grove), he made his great army turn back outside
31 the elephant wall6. He approached the community, greeted
it respectfully and pleased with this community, he as a mark
of distinction, presented it with his umbrella7. The community
32 returned-it to him. They called the spot the Chattavaddhi8,
1 W. has discussed the passage and the parallel passages 41. 24 f.,
41. 52 f., 44. 112 and 116, 50. 23 in detail p. 6 if. All
objections
vanish if one takes ehurikam as the object of ukkhipiya and not sisam.
It is also the object of hatthimhi appetod in 44. 112. In 44. 116 we
have only khipitva churikam and in 41. 24 instead of it katod kosiyam
cmputtakani. As to sl$wn chindati W. himself has seen that it must
not be translated top literally by "he cuts his head", but by "he cuts
his throat". This clearly follows from 41. 52 f. where we first have
chinditum tfsam attaao and then chindi kandJiaram. The meaning of
our passage (39. 27) is: Kassapa dying swings his dagger in the air to
call his brother's attention to his own suicide. ? Kassapa's date is
approximately fixed by Chinese sources where we are told that a letter
of the king was received at the Chinese court in the year 527 A. D.
See JBAS, C. Br. XXIY, Nr, 68, p. 85; H. W. GODRINGTON, H. C., p. 30.
2 Because he had thereby spared him the necessity of meting out
justice himself.
a P, sddhana denotes the Regalia. Of. rajasadJiana 41. 20.
4 Thus I translate ntitjaram varam.
5 The park in the south of Anuradbapura in which the Mahavihara lay.
6 The hatthipdkdra is by no means the town wall as W. thinks
(the elephant rampart of the city) but the wall supporting the terrace
of the Mahathnpa. The passage deals not with the inarch into the
town, but with the entry into the domain of the monastery. The
bhikkhus are assembled on the terrace. Moggallana lets his troops turn
back and goes up alone to greet them. Cf. above 38. 10 with note.
7 "In token of submission to the Church" (W.). The umbrella is the
symbol of the ruler.
8 That is; "increase, flourishing of the umbrella". Its value has89.42
Moggalldna I.
47
and a parivena built there received this name. After he had
entered the city he visited the two other vibaras1, honoured 33
also the community there and having attained to the great
kingdom, he protected the world in justice. But at the thought: 34
high dignitaries have attached themselves to my father's
murderer, he gnashed his teeth2 with rage ? therefore he
received the name Rakkhasa3 ? and had more than a thou- 35
sand of these dignitaries put to death. He cut off their ears
and their noses and sent many into banishment. When he 36
heard the (sermon about) the pious doctrine he became peace-
ful in spirit and well minded and instituted a great almsgiving,
as a rain-cloud (pours a shower of rain) over the earth. On 37
the day of the full moon of the month Phussa4 he ordained
a yearly alms and since then this alms is customary in the
Island to this day. And the charioteer5 who had given his 38
father roasted corn, brought his father's letter and showed
it to Moggallana. When the latter saw it he wept, praised 39
the love he had borne to his father and he, the powerful one,
appointed him to the office of gate-keeper. And the Senapati 40
Migara who had sent him reports in a fitting manner, instituted
a dedication festival for the Abhiseka-Buddha according to his
desire6. The viharas Dalha and Dathakondafma by name on 41
the Slhagiri Moggallana granted to the adherents of the
Dhammaruci and Sagali Schools7. The Pabbata-vihara which 42
been increased by the King receiving it again out of the hand of the
bhikklms.
1 Namely Jetavana and Abhayagiri.
2 P.. fif&ari ddtham, lit. he revealed his eye-tooth, let it be seen,
bared it. The alteration into dayam in the .Col. Ed. is certainly wrong.
It deprives the following rakkhasanamava of all sense.
3 That is "devil". Characteristic of all representations of Eakkhasas
(Skr. rftksasti) are the powerful eye-teeth protruding from the mouth
like the tusks of a boar.
4 December to January. See calendar Mhvs. trsl. p. 2, n. 3.
* Cf. above 38. 95 f. 6 See 39. 6 f.
7 The Sagalikas are like the Dhammarueikas a sect only found in Ceylon.
Mhv. 5. 13; 38. 75. The Dhammanieikas had their seat, in the Abhaya-
giri-vihara. See also 52. 17.48
HoggaUdna I. 39.43
he had built he granted to the Thera called Mahanama in
43 the Dlghasana vihara1. Having built a shelter for bhikkhuins*
called JRajim, the wise (king) made it over to the bhikkhums
of the Sagalika School.
44 A man of the clan of the Lambakannas3 named Datha-
pabhuti, who had been in the service of Kassapa, had in iil-
45 humour betaken himself to the Mereliya district and dwelt
46 there. He had a son known by the name of Silakala. He too
out of fear of Kassapa had betaken himself with his kinsman
47 Moggallana from here*, to Jambudfpa and had undergone the
ceremony of world-renunciation in the Bodhimanda-viharla5.
Fulfilling his duties to the community with zeal and great
48 skill he had (once) presented a mango fruit to the community.
The community pleased thereat, gave him the name of Am-
49 basamanera6. Therefore he bore that name. Later on
as
described in the Kesadhatuvamsa7, he got possession of the
50 Hair Relic and brought it hither from that land. Moggallana
honoured him, accepted the Hair Relic, preserved it in a pre-
51 cious casket of crystal, housed it in a beautiful building with
a picture of DlpamkaraV8 city and instituted with pomp a
1 It is very probable that what is meant here is the vihara built by
DTgliasanda (see 38. 16). But whether with the Col. Ed. we are at
liberty to alter the name seems to me doubtful. Mah ana/ma is the
author of the older Mahavamsa.
2 P. Wiikkhumtpassayam. This is the usual name for viharas intended
for female members of the order.
3 One of the most famous clans in Ceylon from which sprang a whole
series of Sinhalese kings.
* The author lives in Ceylon and Anuradhapura. The former is for
him ayam dipo, "this our island", Anuradhapura idam nagaram uthis
our capital"; *'Lere, hither, from here" means "in, to, from Ceylon (or
also: Anuradhapura)" etc. 5 Cf. 37. 215 with note.
6 That means: the novice with the mango fruit. After the pabhajja
and until the upasampadd one is not bhikkhu, but sdmaqera that is a
future samara, one in the making.
7 The work is unknown to us. Neither as regards period or content
lias it anything to do with the Chakesadhatuvamsa published by MINAYEFF,.
JETS. 1885, p. 5 ff. ' ' . ' '
' . ? ?. ?
8 Dipamkara is the first of the 24 legendary forerunners of the hi-39.5?
Moggattana I
49
great sacrificial festival. He tad statues made of his maternal 52
uncle and of his wife and placed them there, as well as tlie
beautiful figure of a horsel. Further he had constructed a 53
casket for the Hair Relic, an umbrella, a ma^dapa studded with
jewels, portraits of the two eminent disciples and a fan of
hair2. The King also made provision for the relic greater 54
than his owns and the Ruler entrusted Silakala with the
keeping of the relic appointing him sword-bearer3 ? hence 55
he was known by the name of Asiggahasilakala ? and gave
him his sister (to wife) together with (the necessary) revenues.
Here we give but a short extract; an intelligent man can find 56
a full account in every respect in the Kesadhatuvamsa. By 57
instituting a guard for the sea-coast he freed the island from
danger4. By a regulative act5 he purified the good doctrine,
storical Buddha He worked in the town of Eammavati or Rammana-
gara, Buddhavamsa 2. 207 ff.; JaCo I. lI9ff. The conjecture Dlpamkarassa
ndthassa of the Col. Ed. instead of Dlpamkamnagamssa is tempting.
I have however, not accepted it, because it is difficult to see how the
first perfectly clear and simple reading could be turned into the second.
It seems to me 'that we have to deal here with a picture with which
the house was decorated,
1 W. has not properly understood the construction of the sentence.
There can be no question of its being "other images also". The literal
translation would be as follows: "having fashioned his uncle and -his
wife of gold5 he placed the images there and a beautiful image of a
horse". These two individuals had obviously played an important part
in the bringing over of the relic, tfie horse too, very likely. It is.
Im-
possible to say more in the absence of the quoted text (Kesadhatuvamsa).
2 The assortment seems at first curious. We have to imagine the
reliquary resting under a pillar-supported canopy, the ratanamandapa,
on a royal throne. Umbrella and fan made of a yak's tail (v&lavtfani},
are attributes of the royal 'dignity. The portraits of the two aggasavmka
? Sariputta and Moggallana ? stand at the side of the relic, as the
highest dignitaries at the side of the throne.
3 The asiggdha is like the chattaggdha (see S8, 8 with note), a high
court official. Of. 42. 42; 44. 43 ff. See the Introduction III.
4 Of a hostile attack from India.
5 P. dhammal'ammena. This is an act which the priesthood carries
out according to the formalities laid down in the Yinaya. The King
orders its carrying out. Cf. with this especially 44. 76, 52, 44. It
is
450 Moggdllana I
39.58
58 the Order of the Victor (Buddha). The Senapati Uttara
founded a practising-housel which was .called after him. After
Moggallana had carried out meritorious works he went to his
death in the eighteenth year (of his reign2),
59 Thus even he though better far than the ferocious Kassapa3,
was not able once his merit was exhausted, to conquer ap-
proaching death as if he were but its slave. Therefore the wise
when they have conquered the fear of death, will be happy.
Nirvana the highest eternal state of bliss is attainable (only)
by him who knows the (nature of the) ego.
Here ends the thirty-ninth chapter, called "The History
of The Two Kings1', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene
joy and emotion of the pious.
always concerned with the removal of abuses which have crept into the
Order and with the punishment of guilty bhikklms.
1 See 37. 232 with note.
2 Pujav, and Eajav. also give him 18 years.
3 .Jutssapakopino is a transposition of kopiJcassapassa, Of, 37. 69, n.
The whole strophe is very corrupt in the MSS. I have attempted to
reconstruct it In less arbitrary fashion than has been done in the Col.
Ed,Kumaradhatusena to Siva 51
CHAPTER XLI
THE NINE KINGS
After his death his vigourous son of god-like form, called 1
Kumaradhatusena1 became king. In the vihara built by 2
his father he had repairs carried out, he had a revision made
of the sacred texts and he reformed the Order. He supplied 8
the great community abundantly with the four necessaries and
after accomplishing many meritorious works, he passed away
in the ninth year2 (of his reign). Hereupon his son Eitti- 4
sen a became king. After he had in divers ways done meri- ..
torious works he was forced to quit the throne in the ninth
month3. His mother's brother, Siva killed him and became 5
(himself) king; he did several meritorious deeds and was slain4
on the five-and-twentieth day by Upatissa.
1 Pujav. and Rajav. ? in the first of these the King is called
Kumaradasa ? tell of Ms friendship with Kalidasa. Kumaradasa flung
iiimself Into the fiames of the pyre on which his dead friend was burnt
and died with him. Popular tradition places this event in Matara. Here
as we observed for ourselves on the spot, the people are well acquainted
with the names of the two friends and their tragic fate. Tradition
makes Kalidasa the son of the first minister of Kumaradasa's fattier and
the youthful comrade of Kumaradasa, The grave of the latter in Matara
is still pointed out.
2 PQjav. also gives him 9 years. Likewise Rajiv, (the translation
gives erroneously 18 years).
3 Rajav. gives the length of reign as 9 years* P^jav. in accordance
with Mhvs. as 9 months.
4 Pajiv., Rajiv., Rajaratn. and Nik.-s. call the prince Madisivraja.
He reigned according to the Pujav. 25 days, Rajiv, has erroneously 25
years.52 Upatissa III
, 41.6
6 Then Upatissa1, husband of the sister of Moggallana and
7 his general, haying slain Siva, became king. After the king
by granting offices and the like, had won over the people for
himself, he gave his daughter (in marriage) to Silakala to-
8 gether with (the necessary) revenues. King Upatissa had a
son, Kassapa. He was a hero associated with sixteen heroic
9 comrades of the same breed. He lived by bis manliness in
pious fashion, showing reverence to the aged2.
10 Silakala whose heart was deluded by lust for
power,
hereupon betook himself to southern Malaya3, collected a
11 mighty force and plundering the frontier, arrived near the city
(Anuradhapura). When Kassapa the eldest (son of the King)
12 heard that, he mounted Ms favourite elephant, comforted bis
father, took his companions with him and fared forth to meet
13 Silakala. After the latter had been routed seven or eight times
and his courage had ebbed, he brought the districts east and
14 west by a ruse into his power and advanced to the Pacina-
tissapabbata4 to renew the combat. Kassapa with his comrades
15 mounted his elephant, came thither, sent the rebels flying and
drove his elephant to the summit of the mountain. Hence they
16 called him Girikassapa. Silakala remaining obdurate, made
the kingdom still more rebellious and brought it entirely into
17 his power. He advanced with an invincible army and train
of followers upon the town and besieged it. For seven days
1 Sinhalese sources 'call tMs king L&maniupatissa. He sprang
thus from the Lambakanna clan.
. 2 P. jetthapacayaka does not mean "honoured Ms parents greatly",
the term.is found in kide jetlhapae&yika Pv. 2. 7. 18 beside matteyya
and petteyya. Cf. further kulqjyesihdpacayaka Mahavastu I. 1986. It
is a'matter of the reverence shown to the oldest and noblest members
of the clan.
3 Name of the Central Province, the mountain country of Ceylon.
4 One of the mountains east of Anuradhapura. King Jetthatissa 1.
(beginning of 4th century A. D.) had founded a monastery there and had
brought the stone image of the Baddha from the Thuparama to the
new vihara (Mhvs. 36.127 if,}. His successor Hahasena then transfeired
it to the Abhayagiri-vihara (37. 14). It was at the Pacinatissapablnita
that according to 44, 14 ff,» the decisive battle was fought between
Saipghatissa and Moggallana III.41.28
SilaMla 53
the King's people fought, then they weakened. Thereupon 18
Kassapa thought: "All. living creatures here are perishing be-
cause of the siege of the town, the troops are enfeebled, the
King is old and blind. I will take my father and mother 19
(for safety) to Merukandara1, collect the troops and then
punish the rebels2." In the night he took his comrades and 20
the royal treasure3 and set off for Malaya. But as the guides 21
did not know the way, they lost themselves and wandered
hither and thither near the town. Hearing of this Silakala 22
hastened out and surrounded them. A terrible fight ensued.
As the battle went off like the battle of the gods and the 28
demons, when his comrades had fallen and the royal elephant
had succumbed, Kassapa handed him over to his driver, cut 24
his throat, wiped the blood from his dagger and stuck it in
the sheath. Then supporting both hands on the temples of 25
the elephant he sank down. Upatissa when he heard this,
died also, pierced by the arrow of grief.
When after a year and a half4 (of his reign) Upatissa had en- 26
tered Heaven Silakala became king. Together with his former
name he was called Ambasama^erasilakala5. Living for thir- 27
teen years (longer) he protected the Island in justice6. He had 28
delicious meats (prepared in the same way as) for the King,
distributed in the Mahapali hall and concerned for the wel-
1 A district in Malaya wMch often served as place of refuge (cf;
44.28, 47. 58 &c.).
2 Here me stands for may a and belongs to niganhiya "by me is ...
to be punished". The gerunds Jcatvd and samgahetva are then to be
taken In conjunction with me.
s For rqjas&dkana see note to 30. 28. Gf. also 48. 89.
4 Pujav. the same, Rajav. however, one year and ten, months. .........
5 See above 39. 48?50.
6 Pujav. and Nik.-s. call the King La'mlini-Ambaherana-Sala-
mevan (= Silameghavanna), likewise Rajaratn.; In Eajav. he is called
Limani-Akbo (= Aggobodhi). Pujav. and Eajav. give him In agree-
ment with our chronicle, a reign of 13 years. Eajaratn. contains a
chronological statement. It says that his reign began 1088 years after
Buddha's Nirvana and 852 years after the introduction of the Buddhist
doctrine Into Ceylon.. 54 SttdMla
41.29
fare of his people, he increased the revenues of the hospitals.
29 Daily he sacrificed to the Bodhi Tree, he had images made and
to all bhikkhus .dwelling on the Island he distributed the three
30 garments1. He decreed throughout the Island preservation of
life for all creatures. In most fitting manner he sacrificed to
31 the Hair Relic brought (hither) by himself. The Eahera canal
he made over to the Abhayuttara-vihara. Here beside the
82 Monarch of trees2 he set up the throne called Kunta which
he had fetched away from the eastern vihara of the adherents
of the Thera School All his life long he performed meri-
torious deeds without number.
83 The King had three sons: Moggallana, Dathapabhuti and
TIpatissa. To the eldest (Moggallana) he handed over the
84 Eastern Province and after conferring on him the dignity of
the title of Adipada, he dismissed him with the words: "Go
35 and dwell there19. He went and took up his abode there. On
the second son (Dathapabhuti) he conferred the post of Ma-
layaraja8 and the province of Dakkhi^adesa and entrusted him
86 with the care of the sea-coast4. But Upatissa, a young man
1 Namely robe (samghdti), tinder-garment (uttardsanga) and shirt
(antaravasaka).
2 That is, beside the Bodhi Tree in the Abhayagiri-vihara (tattha 1}
3 I believe that fh&nain Malabar djaggam means the same as tli.
Malay arajadim or in composition Malay ardjddittlidti am. But this is
a circumlocution for Malai/ardjatthdnam, as so often happens, for in-
stance ^Kumdrddidk&usena (= IZumdradhdtwsena) 41. 1. See following
note for the title Malayardja.
4 Here appears for the first time the title ddipdda which, in course
of time becomes the title for the princes of the royal house. The heir
to the throne is Mahadipada. The title McdayarQja, so frequent later,
is here mentioned for the first time. Apparently the owner of it was
entrusted with the administration of the province Malaya,; the central
mountain country. I regard the province called desa Puratthima as
the one otherwise called Pa&nadcsa "Eastern Province". ? Dakkhinadesa
as H, W. COPBISGTOH (Notes OB Ceylon Topography in the twelfth cen-
tury, JEAS. C. B. XXIX, Nr. 75, 1922»'p. 62 ff.) rightly saw, is not a
general term for the south of the island (Bohana) 'but a special province,
the territory in the west of the mountains up to the sea. The two
provinces get their names from their position in relation to Amxradha-41.43
Dathapabhuti
55
of good looks he took to live with himself for he was parti-
cularly fond of him.
In the twelfth year (of his reign) a young merchant who 3'
had betaken himself from here to Kasipura1 brought hither
from there the (book) Dhammadhatu2. The King as incapable 3!
of distinguishing truth from falsehood as the moth which
flies to the lamp it takes for gold, when he saw it, believing 3'^
it to be the true doctrine of the Buddha received it with
ceremony. He showed it reverence and honour and placed
it in a house not far from the royal palace. Every year he 40
was wont to take it over to the Jetavana-vihara and there to
arrange a festival which he made into a permanent institution3,
regarding this as a blessing for all beings. After Silakala had 41
thus performed numerous meritorious deeds he passed away
on reaching the thirteenth year of his reign, according to
his deeds.
After Dlthapabhuti had seized the throne the deluded 42
one had his brother (Upatissa) murdered, because he sought
to hinder him, it not being his turn. When Moggallana heard 43
that, he spake full of fierce wrath: "He hath usurped the
government though he had no right to it, without cause he
pura. It is worthy of note here that Da'kkhinadesa is not yet, as regu-
larly later, the province of the heir to the Throne, but is handed over
to the second son, being apparently united with Malaya. Or does Sila-
kala wish for some reason or other that Dathapabhuti and not Moggallana
should be his successor?
1 The town (in the land) of the Kasis, that is BaranasT i. e. Benares.
2 According to the wording of the Pali text, one is inclined to assume
that dhammadhatu is meant for some relic of the Buddha, perhaps his
dhammafcamfat, his water vessel, and that this relic turned out to be
a fake. The Nikayaaamgraha however, which treats the subject in
greater detail (p. 1621?176), says distinctly that it is a book containing
the heretical doctrines of the Vaitulya School (see note to 42. 85). The
King was not able to distinguish these teachings from the true Buddha
doctrine. We must therefore assume that Dhammadhdf.u was the title
of the book. The Nik.-s. gives the name of the merchant's son (ve-
landapufraya) who brought the book as Pun.na.
3 P. Mre$i cdrittam; the luiin. Jcatitm governs the ace. inahani.58
Datha-pablmti
41.44
44 hath slain my youngest brother who spake the truth. I will
see that he has a merry reign1." He took a strong army
45 and advanced to the Rahera mountain. When the King heard
it, he erected an armed camp with troops ready for battle on
46 the Karinda mountain. Hearing of this Moggallana sent the
King this message: "The people living on the Island have
never failed in their duty to thee or me and, if one (of us) is
47 dead, the government need not be divided between us2. Others
shall not fight therefore, we two alone will fight a combat
48 here on elephants". The other declared that he was willing
and armed with the five weapons3, he mounted his elephant
and prepared at once* for battle, like Mara5 against the Sage
49 (Buddha). Moggallana also mounted his favourite elephant
and took his place. The huge elephants rammed each other.
50 A crash was heard at their onslaught like the roar of thunder
and sparks like lightning flew at the striking of their tusks.
51 The blood-stained elephants were as evening clouds. Wounded
by Moggallana's elephant the King's elephant began to give
52 way. When the King saw that he made as if to cut his.
throat. But Moggallana greeting him with reverence, besought
53 him: "Forbear to do that!1' Despite the request, he persisted
in his defiance and cut his neck. Thus after six months and
(six) days6 he lost the kingdom.
1 P. Mrdpessami majjarajjam, lit. "I shall see that his reign is an
intoxicating draught". That means either a reign the pleasure of which
is as short as that of an intoxicating drink, or in scorn a reign that
will make as merry as an intoxicating drink.
2 This seems to me the sense of this not quite easy passage: the
people who are loyal to us both are then not obliged to choose be-
tween us.
3 According to CLOUGH, Sinhalese Dictionary, s. u. the weapons were:
sword, spear, bow, battle-axe and shield.
* P. otthari "descended (into the arena, to the place of combat)".
5 Mirat the tempter, who with his army of demons fights against
Buddha in the night of enlightenment and is routed by Mm, is a favourite
subject for artistic representation. Thus at Borobudtir, relief nr. 94
(1. gallery, main wall, upper row). Of. N. J, KBOM, the Life of Buddha
on the StSpa of Barabu
Hereupon the mighty Moggallana became king on the 54
Island. On account of his mother's brother1 they called him
Cula(moggallana). He had poetic gifts without equal, as 55
highest (good) he held the three (sacred) objects2, He was an
abode of virtues like generosity, self-control, purity, goodness.
By largess, friendly speech, by working for the good (of others) 56*
and by his Datural feelings for others3, he won over the mass
of his subjects. By almsgiving and the (founding of) viharas, 57
by (gifts of) medicine and garments he won the community
of the bhikkhus and by just protection. While distinguishing 58
the preachers of the doctrine by abundant gifts of honour, be
had the three Pitakas together with the Atthakatha4 recited.
Boys he lured with sweetmeats which delighted them and had 59
them constantly instructed in the good doctrine, he, the sage
who was a shining light of the good doctrine. He also com- 60
posed a poem in praise of the good doctrine which he, the
best of men, from the height of his elephant5, recited at the
close of the sermon, in the town. He dammed up the Ka- 61
damba river6 among the mountains forming thereby the
Pattapasapavapi, Dhanavapi and Garltara tanks. With the 62
thought: this is a work that ensures long life, he, full of zeal,
had the sacred texts written down and a solemn festival held
for the (three sacred) objects. While full of pity for the world 63
as a mother for the son of her womb, he died, having given
and enjoyed according to desire, in the twentieth year (of
his reign)7.
1 P- ayyakam = Moggallana I. who was his matula, since according
to 39. 55, his father Silakala had married Moggallana's I. sister.
§ The vatthuttaya are the Buddha, Ms doctrine (dhamma) and his
Order (samgha).
3 P. sam&nattassabhdvena. By this the eattdri samgahavatthuni are
meant. See note to 37, 108.
* That is the sacred texts together with the commentaries.
5 P. kunjarctsefthare nisd. Here nisd stands for nissd nietri causa
and the latter for missdya as expressing a local relation-
6 The river flowing past the east side of Anuradhapura, now called
If alvatu-oya.
1 POjav. and Bajav.: 20 years. In both works and in the Rajaratn,
the king is called Dala-Mogalan. See below note to 44. 63.58
Kittisirimeglia
41.64
64 His Mahesi had killed his kindred with poison. She then
made her son king and carried on the government herself.
65 Lord of men Kittisirimegha thus made king, at once had
the house of the Monarch of trees1 covered with tin plates.
66 For the poor, for travellers and beggars he instituted a great
almsgiving. As protector of the road in such manner he could
67 be useful to all2. But in all enterprises the Mahesi took the
lead, thus everything in his kingdom was turned upside down.
68 The royal officials and the high dignitaries thought only of
bribery, and the powerful in the land terrorized the weak.
69 At the time of Silakala there lived in a village called
Sangilla, a man called Bhayasiva, a scion of the Moriya clan.
70 Siva had a son by name Aggabodhi and also a sister's son
71 known by the name of Mahanaga, His sister's son was of
tall stature, Aggabodhi was handsome3. On account of his
72 high-soaring plans, the vigorous Mahanaga gave up field la-
bour and led a robber's life in the forest. Once when he
73 caught an iguana4 he sent it to his aunt5. When she saw
1 The Bodhi Tree in the Mahavihara.
2 The conjectural maggamdlo "road-hall" (perhaps = rest-house) of the
Col. Ed. for-pdlo is without doubt tempting. According to it W. translates
as follows: "Yes, he was like unto a public hall of charity wherein all
men were able to partake freely of according to their necessities." I have
however, scruples about taking such liberties with the MS. reading,
more especially as it gives tolerable sense. In the foregoing travellers
and wandering beggars have been mentioned. Here the compiler of
our chronicle adds the remark: the king would have been a signpost
and a i^ide to all these (sabhopabhogiyo, lit. = one who most or cian
be enjoyed by all), had not the queen prevented him. She interfered
everywhere and thereby brought the kingdom to chaos.
3 An alteration of the text is certainly necessary if the MSS, have
bhagineyyo mahandgo aggabodhi ca sundaro. The writer of S. 6 has felt
that, when he has changed sundaro into -ra. But it seems to me that
in this verse a contrast, not a resemblance, between the two cousins
has to be emphasized, to make the future conduct of Mahanaga intelli-
gible. I should incline therefore, to read mahdkiiyo instead of Mahdn&go,
and refer the reader to the critical note in my edition.
4 P. (jadha, Sinh. goi/a. Two species are distinguished: talagoyd
"land-iguana" {Varanus dracaena) and kdbaragoyd "speckled iguana11
(Hydrosaurus activator). The flesh of iguanas is eaten.
5 P. matulantf the wife of the mother's brother, hence the wife of
Bhayasay*.41.81 KitUsirwiegha
59
the Iguana she understood (what he wanted) and ordered to
send him a basket of corn1. He also sent to the blacksmith
a hare and he did the same (as the aunt). From his sister2 74
he begged seed corn and a bringer of the seed corn3; she
handed him over a slave and provided him secretly with food
and drink.
~ Now during a famine a certain man, skilled in magic spells, 75
In order to get alms, was wont to beg food from everybody
clad in the robe of a bhikkhu. He had betaken himself to 76
the village (of Sangilla) but as he got no food, overcome
with hunger, he sat down trembling. When the merciful 77
Mahanaga saw him, he had pity on him, took the alms-bowl,
but although he traversed the village in all directions, he got 78
not even rice soup. But when he gave up his upper-garment,
he got food. The other ate, was content and thought: I will 79
make him worthy of the kingdom on the Island. He took him
with him and came in a moment to the Gokanna* sea. Sea- 80
ting himself there and murmuring in the usual way the for-
mula of incantation, he conjured up the Naga King in the 81
night of the full moon of the month Phussa5. "Touch the
great Naga6", he commanded Mahanaga. In the first watch
1 P. pasamsayi must not be corrected. The root sains Is intimately
connected with sas, just as in Skr. sains and sds merge In each other;
pasams means here "to determine, to direct". The aunt understands
that by sending the iguana her nephew wishes to indicate that while
he has the flesh of game in abundance, he lacks bread.
2 The son of this sister is (42. 1) the future king Aggabodhi L
3 P. bijaffaha, purposely formed like asigaha, chattagaha.
4 Go'kannaika) is also 57. 5 the theatre of a similar scene of magic
as the one here described. In 71. 18 it is the farthest spot down the
Mahaveliganga ("from Sarogamatittha as far as Gokanna1')* which must
be protected from the enemy in Rohana. As in our passage it is
described as wahannaua "ocean1', it can be no other than the mouth
of the Mahaveligauga, the Koddiyar Bay, the Bay of Trincomalee.
5 December to January.
6 The Nagas are semi-divine beings in the form of snakes. They are
always held to be zealous worshippers of the Buddha and of his teaching.
They are represented in human form with a snake's head growing from
between the shoulder blades over the head..60
Kittisirimegha 41.82
of the night, through fear, he did not touch the Naga who
82 had appeared. It was even so in the middle watch of the
night. But in the last watch he caught him by the tail and
(immediately) let go of him. (Only) with three fingers had
83 he touched him1. When the magician saw that he foretold:
"My effort succeeds: After thou hast had war with three kings
84 and slain the fourth, thou shalt be king in thy old age and
live yet three years; and three people out of thy clan will be
85 kings (after thee). Go thither, serve the King; later thou
shalt witness my power." With these words he sent him forth.
86 Mahanaga went, sought the monarch3 and entered his service.
The King made him collector of revenue in Rohana and he
87 collected many goods which were produced there. The King
was pleased with him and gave him the rank of an andhasena-
pati3 and commanded him to betake himself thither (to Rohana)
88 again. He took the son of Bhayasiva and his sister's son4
with him, went thither and raised rebellion in the whole pro-
89 vince. He made of Rohana a territory whose products fell
exclusively to himself and took up his abode there5. In order
to wage war with Datbapabhuti he advanced with, a great
90 array of forces, but from fear of Moggallana6, he returned to
1 W. translates: "he raised it by the tail with three of his fingers
and dropped it", bat I'hip does not mean "to raise" nor chup "to drop",
In my edition the punctuation of the text is also wrong. One must
place the semi-colon after Jthipi and take tiK mam angullhi sa tarn chupi
as a connected sentence.
2 The event takes place, as is apparent from v. 69 and from what
follows, in the time of King Silakala.
3 This title only occurs here. See Jntrod. III.
4 The former was called Aggabodhi (41. 70). By bMffineyya we
have probably to understand the nephew of Mahanaga who according
to v. 93 died prematurely.
5 The present part, ta&am is used here instead of a finite verb to
express a permanent state.
6 Before it came to a fight* the reign of Dathapabhuti had come to ?
an end, after lasting- six mouths.41.98
MaKanaga 61
Koha^a. While he dwelt there he heard of the confusion1 in
King Kittsirimegha's kingdom. Mahanaga thought it was 91
now time to seize the government, set out hastily from Ro-
hana, slew the Ruler on the nineteenth day2, took over the 92
government himself and reestablished order. Then he sent a
letter to his sister's son bidding him come. The latter coming 93
turned back because of an (unlucky) omen and died. There-
upon Mahanaga out of gratitude, made the son of his mother's
brother (Aggabodhi) Uparaja3. After building an irrigation 94
trench round the Monarch of trees he had a roof put over
its golden house and set up images of the King of Sages. He 95
decorated the three great cetiyas with stucco work and (put
up) a protecting ring (against lightning). He also repaired
the elephant terrace and the paintings4. The weavers' village 96
Jambelambaya5 he affiliated to the Uttara-vihara6 and the
village called Tinti^ika to the Mahavihara. The village of 97
Vasabha in Uddhagama he granted to the Jetavana, he also
instituted a giving of garments for the three fraternities7.
After granting three hundred fields to the Jeta(vana)- 98
vihara he instituted there a permanent (gift of) rice soup for
1 P. asamanjasa, lit. "uneven road" a figurative expression for the
idea of disorder and confusion.
2 Pujav., Rajav., Nik.-s., Rajaratn. call the king Kudakitsiriraevan to
distinguish him from Sirimeghavanna, the first prince of the Culavamsa
line. The two first chronicles attribute to hini a reign of 19 years.
3 For the Uparaja, the co-regent of the reigning king and bis rela-
tion to the Yuvaraja, the heir-apparent, see Introduction II.
4 Of. for the works mentioned here 38. 10 and 74 with the notes.
The stucco work is of course the masonry of the thupa; cumbftta is short
for vajiracumbata; hatthieedi is the same as halt hip tlktlra.
5 Or "the weavers1 village called Jambela" according to the reading
jaatbelachayam preferred by S. and B.
6 P. Uttare. This doubtless stands here for Abhayuttare, is there-
fore the Abbayagiri-vihara. Of. note to 37. 97.
7 The tayo niktlyu are the communities of the Maha-, Jetavana- and
Abhayagiri-viharaH. But in a Sinhalese work, quoted by WICKRRMASINGHK,
EZ. II. 275, note 1, it is pointed out that they are the three gectn of the
Dhainuiarucia, Sagalikas, and Vetullas. Sometimes, as 46. 15 f, "two
fraternities" are mentioned along with the three.62
MaJidndga 41.99
99 the bhikkhtis. He handed over to the Ascetics1 a thousand
fields (watered by the tank) called Duratissa. For the inmates
of the Mahavihara he instituted a permanent; (dole of) rice
100 soup* The Ciramatikavira (canal) he granted thither, rejoicing
at virtuous dealing. In the Mayura-pariyena2 he undertook
101 renovations and in the Mahadevarattakurava-vihara in (the di-
strict of) Kasikhanda he restored the dilapidated Anurirama.
102 After he had performed in this and in other ways works which
lead to Heaven he joined after three years3 the company of
the gods.
103 These eight kings who were all contented in spirit*, whose
wealth was endless as that of the King of Kings 59 who gloried
in their troops, their elephants, their chargers and in the
chariots of their heroic army6, they had finally to surrender
all and forsaken by their followers, mount the pyre. The wise
1 I do not think that we can connect tapasslnam directly with
Mahaviharavasinam. The former belongs to the first, the latter to the
second half of the verse. The ascetics do not live in the vihara but in
the aranna. Probably the ascetics of the Tapovana 52. 22, 53.14, 54.20
are meant, the settlement in the wilderness west of Anuradhapura, re-
cently more accurately investigated by AYRTON and HOCART. See Memoirs
Archaeol. Survey Ceylon I. 1924, p. 18 ff.
2 See 37. 172 and 38, 52 with the notes.
3 Piijav, and Rajiv, call the prince Senevi or Senevi-Man a. The
duration of his reign is given as 3 years. In Rajaratn, and Nik>s. he
is also called Senevi. After Mm all four chronicles insert a king
whose name is missing in the Culavamsa. Pujav.: Lamani-Singan-
Saladalabona (9 years), Rajav.: Lamani-Simha-Saladajabona
(9 years), Rajaratn. and Nik.-s.: L am an i- Sing an ay a. ?
4 Because they had attained the highest human goal, the dignity
of kingship.
5 The word rajamja denotes also in Skr. Knvera, the god of
wealth.
6 The two first lines of the strophe offend repeatedly against the
law of style. They can only be translated according to their sense.
Jtfl}ar$jew& rupd and narakaritwaga surasendrathehi are disintegrated
eomfwuncts. They stand instead of rfgardjarnpd (°rnpa = "like", as
in bhagavantarflpa, D. L 51s8) and
narakaritttragaaiirttfien&ratliehi.41.103
MaMnaga 63
man when he remembers this should, if he seeks his salvation,
harbour the wish to fling away from him the happiness of
existence.
Here ends the forty-first chapter, called 'The Nine Kings'l
in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.
1 The MSS. have it is true, attharajako "the eight kings". Of. the
note to the signature of the following pariccheda.84
Aggabodhi I
CHAPTER XLII
THE TWO KINGS -
1 Aggabodhi the highly favoured of fortune, sister's son
of King Mahanaga1, now became king whose aspiration was
2 the attainment of the highest enlightenment. In splendour
Imitating the sun, in eharm the moon with full disk, in stead-
3 fastness the Sumeru mountain2, in depth the ocean, in firm-
ness the earth, in impartiality3 the wind, in insight the ma-
4 gician among the gods4, in purity the autumn heavens, in the
enjoyment of wishes fulfilled the King of the gods9 in wealth
1 Hero S. and B., and W. obviously dependent on their rendering,
translate ikbiti Mahdndga-naramnduliu mayUpit, W: "the son of Ma-
banaga's mother's brother.'1 In itself that would be quite
simple.
Aggabodhi would then be the son of Bhayasiva mentioned 4L70 whom
Mahanaga according to 41. 93, appointed uparaja. But there is one
difficulty about the matter It absolutely contradicts the text. Agga-
bodhi is here perfectly plainly described as bhdgimyya of Mahanaga.
The Puja>. also calls him Mdndraja-'bana and likewise the Rajav. We
must stsiek to this if we wish to keep firm ground under our feet. We
must thus assume that the Culavamsa says nothing about the after fate
of Bhayasiva's son, just as it is go often silent where we should like
to hoar more, and that the Aggabodhi named in 42. 1 has nothing but
the name in common with him. STILL'S genealogical tree (in his very
valuable Index to the Mahawansa) which rests on the translations, needs
correction accordingly.
2 Sumeru is the same as Meru or Heznameru. Cf. 37. 79 with note.
3 P. samofvutti refers to the impartial demeanour towards otharg,
none being favoured, none being disadvantaged, as the wind blows
equally for all beings without distinction. It is interesting to find
similar phrases as those in v. 2 and 3 in an inscription of Mahinda
EZ. L 225). 4 That is Brhaspali.42,12
Aggabom 1 65
the commander of treasures1, in justice the upright Vase^has5
in courage the king of beasts, in royal virtues a ruler of the 5
world, in generosity a Vessantara3, it was thus his people
knew him* On his mother's brother he conferred- the dignity 6
of uparaja, on his brother that of yuvaraja, on his sister's son
that of king of Malaya*, To the most distinguished officials 7
also he gave positions according to their merits. He won over
his subjects by the heartwinning qualities and by the royal
virtues5. The province of Dakkhi^adesa with the appropriate 8
retinue6 he made over to the Yuvaraja. The latter while he
dwelt there, built the Siriva
munity (of the bhikkhus) he granted it two hundred fields
for the support of the community. To the Malayaraja he gave 10
his daughter Da^ha by name (to wife); he also built the pari-
ve$a which bears the name Sirisamghabodhi. For Hahasiva 11
he built a parive^a7 which was called after him. His com-
panions also were chiefly intent on meritorious works. Thus 12
by a pious mode of life8 he followed the good old custom
1 The term amaramantar applied to Brhaspati here bears out Ms
close association with the Atharvaveda given Mm in the Indian epics.
HOPKINS, Epic Mythology, p. 181. ? The King of the Gods is Indra,
the Lord of treasure Kuvera,
2 A rsi, a primeval sage (Skr. Vamslha).
3 Vessantara was the last human incarnation of the Baddb*. His
history is told in the Jataka bearing his name (Nr, 547)
7At»5u»**
edition, YL p. 479 ff.
* Of. for these titles the notes to 41* 83-85.
5 See notes to 37. 107 and 108.
6 P. sayoggam. the adj. yogga is made into a substantive by supple-
menting it -with a nominal term like "accessories, equipment, retinae"*
Say&ggdbalavahcma in 44. 84 is used in the same connection. Here for
the first time we have the Southern Province, the as
territory reserved for the heir to the throne, as is thenceforward the
rule. C£. also the note to 41. &5.
7 Note to 37. as,
» P. sadMpacdrena. W, translates this: "by continually keeping the
company of good men'1, which is also possible..68
-J.ggabodbi I 42.13
and; to ;remc>Ye Mndfan^es, He restored1 it where it had fallen
13 into decay. .During Ms reign ; poets wrote numerous poems
m the Sifaala tongue which were distinguished by various
14 Tisefiil doctrines*. In the Dakkhi^a-vihara3 he erected a splen-
did pasada4 and in; the course of nine years he cle'ared the
15 island of all briers^. After building the vihara called Kii-
runda destined for the whole Order (of bhikkius) and a tstnk of
the same name6 and (after planting) a cocopalrn garden three yo-
? [ \ Refers directly to "the good old custom" (pordnam dhammiyam
vidhim) which is figuratively likened to a 'building that has fallen into
decay and must be restored.,... The "hindrances" are things, actions,
circumstances which obstruct the path to delivrance.
2 So I translate nay a which is chiefly used of prudent policy. The
names of the twelve poets said to have flourished under AggabodhiL
are enumerated in the Pujiv., the Bajav., and the Mk.-sv
Ptijav: 1. Bahamr Bajav; Dahanet Nik.-s.: Damlya
2. Temal Pusu . , Suriyabahuya
f.Blbiri . Ban Babiriya
4. Bisodala Miyo Dalabisoya
5. Anurut Kuma Anurutkumaruya
6. Balagot Dalagot Dalagotfcumaruya
7. Puravadu Purava Puravadukumaruya
8. Dalasalakumaru Dasala Dalasalakumaruya
9. Kitsiri ; Kitsiri
Eitsirikumaraya
10. Kasub KEsnbu KasupkotaSpaya
11. Kota Kota Sakdamalaya (?
== 2)
12. Ipa Apaya Asakdanialaya
In addition it is stated in the Pujav. and Bajav. that the Thera Dhamma-
kitti (sinh. Dami, Dahamikit) held office under King Aggabodhi.
3 That is: the "Southern Monastery". According to Mhvs. 33. 88 its
builder was Uttiya, one of the warriors of Vattagamani. It lay nagaramha
daJckhinato, In the latest plan of Anuradhapura the Dakkhina-vihara
is identified with the cetiya known in local tradition as "EJara's tomb"
(Of. Mhvs, 25.72-73), As regards this monument, I should prefer keeping
to the local tradition. The Dakkhina-vihara has- thus still to be
identified.
4 See note to S7. 59.
' 5JSaid'figuratively; kantala "thornn is used of all enemies of the
throne and the church, of all pests of the organism of the State.
? The building of the Kurunda tank is also narraled in Pujav. Bajav.
and Rijaratn. H. W. CODEIMQTOH (H. C.> p. 35) identifies it with the
Giant's
tank near Mannar.42.28 \AggabodhiI
6
janas in length, lie granted it to Mahasiva as Ms dwelling* 16
and in addition to it revenues, honours and distinctions and ^
a hundred monastery attendants2. Near 'to it he built th6 17
Ambilapassava-vihara -and granted the village of this name t6
the Ascetics of the Thera School3. To the Unnavalli-vihara 18
he granted the far-famed village of Rataina4 and placed (ift
the vihara) a stone image of the Master.- In Kelivata he built 19
the (vihara) called Sumanapabbata and beside the Bodhi temple
a stone terrace with a large oil pit5. After he had restored 20
the, Lohapasatja, he distributed at the dedication festival .of
the pasada to six and thirty thousand bhikkhus the three- gar-
ments?. He assigned to it a village and ordered thafcit -should 21
be-i guarded. In the Hatthikucchi-vihara7 the enlightened
(prince) likewise erected a pasada which bore the name of his '
daughter. He kept piously to the instruction of the bhikkhu 22
Dafhasiva and living according to the law, he looked after
him heedfully8. Further he built the great vihara Mugasena- 23
1 The Col. Ed. differs greatly here from the MSS. It reads ma-
hasfmadvayaneeva sassam kdrayitum add, but it is just the-first syllables
mahasiva which are well preserved in all the MSS. It seems to me very
doubtful for the rest, that mahaslmadvayam should meari "two large
tracts of defined land" as translated by W. For slmd I know only the
meaning "boundary", but not "defined territory".
* See note to 37. 63.
3 See notes to 41. 99 and 37. 227.
4 Is Ratanagama not the present Ratnapura? The epithet dlgha-
vannita would then point to its having been famous then as a mine of
precious stones. Here attention may also be called to the district Ra-
tanakara-rattha (69. 31) which lies in the Southern Province.
5 The Bodhi temple in the Mahavihara is meant here (note to 38.43).
The "oil pit" was probably a cup-like hollow intended for the reception
of .the oil presented for festive illumination.
6 See note to 41. 29.
7 Is also mentioned 48. 65 in the reign of Aggabodhi VI and 49. 76
in that of Dappula II.
. -,
8 Apparently Dapilsiva took a post at court corresponding to that
of the pumhita in the Indian courts. This is the beginning of -the
political influence of the bhikkhus. Cf. 57. 38 f. and note.
5*68 Aigabodhi I
42, 24
patl and assigned it1; the. village L'ajjika for the (necessary)
24 maintenance of the slaves, For the merit of King Mahanaga
; King; Aggafeodhi built a (vihara) called by his iaame2 and as-
signed it to the Grand Thera who was versed in the three
25 Pifakas'1, But he who no longer possessed wishes, handed
over the vihlra to sixty-four hhikkhus of his kind who practls-
26 ed yoga4. After building the Bhinnoradipa(-vihara) for the
same (fchera) who dwelt in the Mahaparive^a5, and granting6
27 it (revenues) from YattakarapHthi, he erected halls for the
Uposatha festival7 in the vihara called Dakkhi^agiridalha, in
28 Mahanagapabbata and in the Kalavapi-vihara. In the Abhaya
(giri)-vihara he constructed a large bathing tank and on the
Cetiyapabbata he provided a permanent water supply for the
29 Nagaso$4i tank8. After having the Mahindata^a tank9 con-
structed in the proper way, he decided to set up (the image
1 The reading ekassa which W. accepts, is certainly wrong. It can
only be a question of a foundation for the benefit of the vihara men-
tioned in the first half of the verse and which is alluded to by etassa*
2 Viharam must be inserted from v. 23. We might translate "he
gave it (1. e. the Mugasenapati-vihara) the name Mahanaga-vihara".
The building of this vihara by Aggabodhi (Manaradapirivena) is also
mentioned in Pujav. and Rajaratn.
3 See nott to 37. 223, Who the Grand Thera was is not said, pro-
bably Dathasiva.
4 I e. who gave themselves to ascetic and meditative practices.
H. BECKH, Buddhismus II, 9 if., was the first to show the significance of
Yoga in Buddhism in its true light.
5 According to 50. 67 a building in the Jetavana-vihara. Mentioned
again 48. 65.
6 The translation is not quite certain on account of the brevity of
the original. W. has however, disregarded the gerund Jcatva in his
rendering.
? See note to 37. 201.
8 I think what is meant here is the bathing tank now called
Nagapokuna, situated just under the summit of the Mihintale moun-
tain (see 38.75 note) where hewn in the rock face the heads of a cobra
(naga) seem to rise out of the water. Not "Elephant's Fool" as W.
translates. See Mhvs. trsL p. 94, note 1.
® The tank at the foot of the Missaka mountain by which the pre-
sent fields of the village Mihintale are irrigated.42.37
Aggabodhi I 69
of) the Thera (Mahinda) on its dike and he decreed that when 30
the Grand Thera Mahinda should be brought to the place,
people from the Taraccha1 clan should carry him. He plac- 31
ed a golden umbrella2 on the (tfaupas of the) three fra-
ternities, seven- eight- and nine-fold3 and (set) with pre-
cious stones. He presented the Mahathupa with a golden 32
umbrella weighing four and twenty bharas4 and here and there
(he offered) a superb jewel of great value. Having decorated 33
the temple of the Tooth Eelic with brightly gleaming precious
stones he made a golden reliquary (for the relic) and in the
Pali Hall a canoe of bronze5, He built the Mahamekhala 34
bund and conducted a great canal from the Mapfaira tank6.
At that time a Grand Thera called Jotipala had beaten in 35
controversy the adherents of the Vetulla School7 on the Is-
land. The Adipada called Da$hapabhuti, ashamed (at the 36
defeat), raised his hand to strike him (the tfaera). At the self-
same moment an ulcer appeared (on his hand). But the King 37
who was pleased with Jotipala, assigned him a dwelling in
that very vihira8. In his pride Dathapabhuti went not to
1 P. taracchG. See note to 88. 13. W. is not at all clear about this
passage. The Taraccha are already mentioned Mhvs. 19. 2 along witli
the Kuilngi,
8 See note to 88. 54, as also to 41. 97.
3 Has reference to the single storeys of the chatta which apparently
differed in the three thSpas (Mahathtlpa, Jetayana and Abhayagiri) in
the way indicated,
4 A (= 20 Tula = 2000 Pala) is according to BE. (Sanskrit
Wtb. s. r.)t equal to about 140 Ibs. That would give a total weight of
§8 to S4 cwt. According to the Sinhalese weight (1 pa!a = 4 kana =
a little more than 72. 5 gr.) we should get double that quantity. The
of course of stone and gilded,
* S«e note to 87. 181.
* N0w Hinneri-Te?!^ N. W, of Polonnarura,
f The regards the Tetella School as a heretical sect,
They the representative! of the Mahiylna in Oeylon and are first
10. 41 in the reign of Vokiraka-Tissa (2nd half of
tbe Sri c. A. D.). Th«y had their in the Abhayagiri-Tihira accor-
ding to 86. 111. Cf. twL, p. 259. n. 2.
g in the vihlw where the coBtroTeriy had taken place.
- ??70; Aggabodhi II
42,38
88 bim1 ant So, died.- -The-King conferred ? tH.e" dignity' of .ma-
badipada2; on- Ms sister's, son,.Aggabodhi and charged'bim to
39 take tbe Thera under'bis. protection, wbicb be did. .After.
building, the; JTflageha cell3" tbe King gave it to tbat same.
Thera.-: 'Tbus .he wrought many meritorious works, and' died'
,.,; in-_ the: tMrty-fourtb;ye,ar,.(of .his reign)4. - .'.'. . i
-.-.
40 Hereupon Aggabodhi became king. As the former king
was the elder he was distinguished by the name Khudda5.
41 Versed in the former customs he protected the Island and he
made Samghabhadda the daughter of his mother's: brother
42 mahesi6.. As sword-bearer he, appointed a kinsman of the
Mahesf. He::..distributed posts according to-worth, without
48 preference7* The Yeluvana(-vihara) which the king bad built be
made over to-the adherents of the Sagali School8. He also built
the Jamburantaragalla(-vihara) and the Mafcikapitthi(-vihara).
44 During the reign of this (king) the prince of the KHinga
country whose mind was disturbed when he saw the death of
45 living beings in war, came hither to bur Island with tbe re-
splve of world renunciation9. He underwent the ceremony of
world renunciation under Jotipala and the King maintained
46 him honourably for. a long time. He built Mm a prac-
1 He was too proud to go to Jotipala and ask his forgiveness.
2 The title mahadipada is usually borne by the heir to the throne.
3 What a pariccheda was in a monastic establishment is difficult to say,
1 suppose it to have been single cells for the inmates. Of. 48. 2> 50. 77.
4 Pujav: 34 years. Rajav: 30 years.
5 I. -e, the little, the younger. In th.e Sinhalese sources he is also
caUed Ruda-Akbij. 6 See note to 37. 21L
7, W.'s translation of andlayo by "as he envied not to give power
into the hands of others" is certainly not right. Alaya means "wish,
affection". What is meant is merely that the king was not influenced
by personal wishes but by objective. considerations. Gf. also 46. 4.
8 See note to 39. 41. The Sagaliya had their seat in Jetavana, as
the Dhammarucika in Abhayagiri (A. M. HOCART/Memoirs ASC. I
p. 15 ff.). For the Yeluvana-vihara see note to 44. 29."
s It seems that he was driven from his country by Pulakesin L, the
founder of the Chalukya dynasty who conquered the Kalinga kingdom.
According to JOUVEAU-DUBRBUIL this took place 609 A*D* See H. W.
CODKITOTON, H. C., jp. 35, 5L
;42.54 ' Aggabodhi II
71
tising-house1 ,in the Mattapabbata-Tihara, TJbLe Kalinga :
prince's minister and his Mahesi betook themselves to the same
(Jotipala) and under him they (likewise) underwent the cere-
mony of world renunciation* When the Mahesi of the King 47.
(Aggabodhi) heard of her splendid renunciation; of the world,
sh,e supported her honourably and .had the Ratanai^vihai-a), ;
built (for her). To the minister the King granted the Vsetta-» 48
vasa-vihara in Pacmaka$4araji2, but the ascetic handed it over
to the community3. The royal Thera died; the King (Agga- 49
faodhi) mourned for him and wept for him and after that
built a practising-house in the Culagalla-vihara4 as well as
one in the Palamnagara-vibara5. Thus in.his plac§ and for 50
him6 the ruler performed many meritorious works.'
Once while the Ther^ Jotipala was performing his devo- 51
tions in front of the cetiya in the Thuparama a piece of :?
(masonry) got loosened and fell in front of him. The troubled 52
Thera called the King and showed it to him. When the King
saw it he was horrified and had the work at once taken in
hand. He housed the Relic of the Right Collar-bone7, care- 53
fully guarded, in an inner room of the Lohapasada and
honoured it day and night. As the repairs in the Thuparama 54
were delayed, the devatas8 dwelling there appeared to the
1 See notes to 37. 232.
2 The name occurs in what is protably the right 'form Paclna-
khandaraji also in Mhvs. 23. 4. I believe it to be the name of a vil-
lage near the Gitta mountain.
3 I. e. he refused personal possession and handed over the iihara to
the community of the bhikkhus.
-
4 Mentioned also Mhvs. 35.13. The vihara was built by Culibhaya
at the end of the 1st e. A. D. on the bank of the Gonanadi (Kala-
oya), south of Anuradhapura.
5 In Palamnagaraga the ~g& means "found in". It is thus, not part
of the name, as W. supposes.
6 This is a patti, that is an action whose ments are transferred to
another person who has died. The reward for the pious foundations
made by Aggabodhi are to fall to the royal them from Kalinga.
7 See above note to 37. 207.
8 Ih&p&r&mamhi belongs to navaJcamme as well as to devcsta* Ac-
cording to popular belief devatas are everywhere, in every field, e very-
tree , every building, even in the single parts of a house.72
AggabodU II 42.55
55 King In a dream as attendants of the monastery, "If the King
hesitates to rebuild the shrine of the relic we shall take the
relic and go where it pleaseth us", said they. At that mo-
56 ment the King awoke and greatly perturbed, he had the work
on the shrine finished in a short time, including the paintings
57 and the like. Further (he had) four images and thrones of
stone, a golden umbrella and work in stone and ivory (made)
58 for the shrine. His dignitaries and others (of high rank) made
nine hundred reliquaries and renewed1 the whole work of
59 Devanampiyatissa2. When with immense pains he had got
together the offering In fitting manner he with the greatest
60 reverence, brought the relic from the Lohapasada hither. He
had the relic surrounded by the Grand Thera Jotipala together
with the community, carried in festive procession3 in a reli-
61 quary. To the relic-shrine he dedicated the island of Lanka
together with his own person4 and handed over to its guar-
dians the village the proceeds of which had belonged to the
62 Mahesi. In Nagadipa (he presented) the Uwalomaghara temple
to the Rajayatanadhatu(-vihara), as well as an umbrella for
63 the Amalacetiya5, He granted to the vihara there a village
for the provision of rice soup. To the Abhaya(giri)-vihara
64 he granted the village of Angaijasalaka. Giving it his own
name and that of the Mahesi, he erected in the Abhayuttara6
65 the Datbaggabodhi house. The Queen piously built the
Kapalanaga-vihara and handed it over provided with the four
1 In v, 57 the v. Jcarayi must be supplemented to the accusatives
from v. 56. Navam "kammam in v. 58 d must have the v, dkdsum added
from 58 a.
2 He is the builder of the Thnparama-cetiya according to Mhvs.
17. Iff., 62.
3 P. partliarena. The word has obviously here already the meaning
of its Sinhalese equivalent perakara "procession".
4 See above 89. 31 for a case of similar homage to the Church.
s The verb Is missing in the sentence. We must probably supple-
ment it with an add from the foregoing. My Interpretation differs
greatly from that of W.. I take Bajayatanadhito for the name of a
vihara. Nigadipa means the most northerly part of Ceylon.
« See note to 37. 97..43.'69
AggabodU II 73
necessaries, to the same monastery. In the Jetavana the King 66
erected a building with a glittering crowning ornament * and
near the house of the Bodhi Tree he had a well dug. He also 67
built the Grangata$a, Valahassa and Qiritata tanks2. He enlarged
the Mahapali Hall and set up a canoe for the gifts of rice3.
For the bhikkhunis the Mahesi ordered permanent gifts of rice*. 68
Thus after King Aggabodhi had performed meritorious works,
he went to Heaven in the tenth year (of his reign)5.
Thus (both) these Lords of men, who rejoiced in meritorious 69
works, who were blessed with riches, fell into the clutches of
death. Then should the wise man when he beholds rightly
the course of existence, shunning according to precept, all
connection with existence, (his face) turned towards Nirvana,
live discerningly, surrendering himself to the renunciation of
the world.
Here ends the forty-second chapter, called "The Two Kings6",
in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.
1 There is no reason to change the reading of the MSS. rajanacumba-
tam into rajatacuwbatam as do S. and B. There is nothing strange in
the archaic participial form in -ana in the eclectic style of the
Culavamsa.
2 Rajav* and Pujav. relate that in all he built 13 tanks. The Ganga-
tala, Giritala, Hovatu, Neralu, Mafcombu, Siravalaskatiya, Enderahalu,
Kajunnaru, Mahaudalu, Kangomu, Madata and Kalamv§vu ;are named
in the Pujav. In addition both chronicles ascribe to him the building
of the Velunna-vehera.
3 P. bfiattanamm. Of. note to 37. 181.
4 P. bhattavamsam. The regular recurrence of the gifts is compared
with the succession of the generations in a family.
5 Bajjaiv. and Pujav. likewise give the duration of the reign as ten
years.
6 The MSS. have Tirajako "the three kings" and having regard to
the signature of the foregoing pariccheda, it would have been more
consistent to have retained this reading. As in our signature one king
more, in the foregoing one less is given than actually occurs in the
pariccheda, we may perhaps assume that the difference is traceable to
a copy in which the last king of the series of the 41st chapter, Ma-
hanaga, is treated not with his predecessors but with his successors,
the two Aggabodhis.74 Samghatissa
CHAPTER XLIV
THE SIX KINGS.
1 Hereupon the Sword-bearer Samghatissa1 became ruler.
With, the wish to further religion as well as the kingdom he
2 rejoiced in righteous action. Bestowing office according to
merit, he won his subjects for himself. But when the general
8 of the younger king (Aggabodhi), Moggallana, who dwelt in
Roha^a, learnt that Samghatissa had become king, in order
to begin war he occupied a fortified camp in Mahagalla2.
4 "When Samghatissa heard this he sent troops to fight him,
5 but the mighty Moggallana routed them. Thereupon he be-
took himself with elephants and horses to Battivihara, collec-
6 ted his troops there and took up a position. At news of this
the King returned, gave him battle at Kadalmivata3 and
1 Pnjav. and Bajav. describe him as younger brother (tnal) of Agga-
bodhi II. But is seems to be more probable that he is the asiggaha
mentioned in 42. 42 as a kinsman of Aggabodhi's II. mahesl.
2 Mahagalla is mentioned in three places. According to 58. 42?43
(q. v.) it was situated in Dakkhmadesa. The sequence Tilagulla, Maha-
galla, Man<}agalla, Anuradhapura, Mahatittha in a successful campaign
of Vijayabahu L allows of our determining the situation. It is evidently
the present Magcdlegama N.W. of Kurunegala halfway on the road to
Puttalam not far from Nikaveratiya (Census,of Ceylon 1921, II. 282-3,
nr. 62). So also BL W. CODRINGTON in a letter dated 19. X, 26. Maha-
gallakavapi is likewise mentioned three .times, namely 68. 34 and 43
among the water works" built by Parakkamabahu I. to further culti-
vation in Dakkhinadesa. The passage 79. 66 is either a repetition of
what is related in Chap. 68 or it refers to the restoration of the tank.
3 Not Kadalladi-Nivata. The adi serves only, as so frequently, for
paraphrase "beginning with KadalF'. Cf. Kadalyadinivata 48.50; Maha-
panadidlpa 44.122; Sirisamghadibodhiko 46.1.44.15
Samghatissa 75
defeated him. Then he sent his troops .(after him), but re- 7
turned himself to the town. Moggallana restored his van-
quished army1 to its former state and marched to Rahera2.
The King's Senapati sent his son against the rebels, he him- 8
self feigned (sickness) as if suffering and distressed like one 9
very sick, he kept his bed. When 'the King heard of it he .-
at once sought him out and admonished him: "Be not troubled. 10
Only set the Prince3 his tasks here (in Anuradhapura) and
protect the city; it is impossible for-thee to accompany me 11
to the seat of war as thou art sick7'. Because all the people
had left4 the city and :the King's food was thereby curtailed,
they placed before the King food that had been prepared in 12
the Mahapali Hall. When the King saw that, he was much
perturbed and thinking: (it must be) before he becomes weaker 13
than (he is5) now, he went forth in haste to war. With his
son he mounted his elephant at the head of an army in figh-
ting trim and marched with a small force to Pacmatissapabbata6. 14
When both sides7 were engaged in battle the treacherous 15
Senapati opened the attack from behind. When the Ruler's
1 It is unnecessary to change savahanam into savdhinim. Vdhana
(primarily; baggagetrain, camp-followers) is several times used in just
this section as "army". Thus vv. 13 and 22.
2 The Rahera mountain is already mentioned 4.1.44 on the occasion
of the battles between Dathapabhuti I. and his brother Moggallana.
The CoL Ed, reads, it is true, Kareheram updgami*
3 Jejthatissa is presumably meant by the "Prince". According to
v. 28 he had remained in the town, probably as Regent under the Mi-
nister's guidance, while his father was in the field.
4 P. ubfydsite, lit. *4caused to depart". The people had left the town
from fear of the enemy. It does not mean that they were in the field.
The loc. sabbe is one of the incorrest forms peculiar to the language
of the Culavamsa. Cf. similarly .sabbe Jarribudipe 75. 26 and
also
Lankdiale sabbe 44, 44.
5 The idea is this: The King feels that he cannot do without the
advice and help of Ms Senapati in the city while he himself is absent.
He wants therefore to hasten the decision, in the field so that the sick-
man does not die before it. Ydca na means '/until ?? before"; man-do.
stands for the comparative and the ablative ttto belongs to this,
6 See note to 41. 14. ? 7 I, e. Samghatiasa. and ? Moggallana.
.76 Moggallana III
44.16
16 son saw that, he said: "I. will.slay him". But -the King re-
strained him: "Think not of such a thing; our army is unable
17 to stand this, it is certainly1 much too weak.9' The King was
in the centre between the two hostile armies, therefore his
forces had to be diyided against the rebel (Moggallana) and
18 the Senapati. The King's elephant sought the shade of a
madhuka tree2 whereupon the umbrella fell to the ground
19 because it knocked against a branch. The rebel's army saw
that, took possession of it and handed it over to their com-
mander. He raised the umbrella, standing on the summit of
20 the mountain. Thereupon the King's troops thinking he was
now king, came and surrounded him. But King Samghatissa
21 was alone. He dismounted from the back of his elephant and
fled with his son and a faithful minister8 to the Merumajjara
forest near,by.
22 The victorious Moggallana4 took the host, the treacherous
23 Senapati and his ruthless son, came to the capital and was
king as sovereign of the Lanka country. Then he thought:
24 "As long as the foe is in life there is no good luck." When
he heard that a son of the former king was here (in Anuradha-
pura) he was wroth and at once commanded that his hands
25 and feet be cut off. The man charged by the King, went
thither immediately to cut off his hands and feet. The boy
26 wept in distress: "If my hands which I have for eating cake,
are cut off with what shall I then eat the cakes?" When the
1 P, hessati. The future in tlie sense of a mitigated statement where
otherwise the potential is used. The ti, as so frequently, is inserted in
the oratio recta. Cf. note to 37. 114; further 48. 116; 77. 99.
2 Bassia latifolia. Skr. madhnka, BE. s. v. This is the ml-gaha of
the Sinhalese which (/LOUGH defines as Bassia longifolia.
3 The governing verb of putt am 'maccam ca sohadam is wanting.
Hence the writer of MS. S. 6 recorred the text to puttam addya sohadam.
It seems to me probable that sohadam was a gloss to distinguish the
amacca from the faithless Senapati and that tHs gloss displaced an
adiya in the text. The gerund adiya, which is found already in Mhvs.
1. 74 is found again in v. 22.
4 Pujav. ealls him Laman£-Bo-na-Mugalan, Rajiv. H&di-Bo-
Mugalan, Nik.-s. and Eajaratn. Lam^ni-Bo-naya.44,88
Maggallana III 77
King's servant heard that he wept and wailed, sorely grieved 27
at the King's command. Nevertheless he cut off his left hand
and his left foot, the wretch. Jetthatissa another son of the 28
King, fled and betook himself unrecognised to Malaya in the
Merukandara1 district. Meanwhile the King (Samghatissa) 29
with his son and his minister had secretly reached Teluvana2.
At the instigation of the bhikkhus there he donned the yellow
robe. He had the intention of betaking himself in the dis- 30
guise of a bhikkhu to Roha$a and got as far as Mai^ihira3.
Here the servants of the King who were there, recognised 31
the three, put fetters on their feet and told Moggallana. When
the King heard that, he rejoiced exceedingly and gave the 32
command: "Go with all haste, take the three to the secure
and safe Slhagiri4, There cut the King's head off and that 33
of his son, but bring the minister to me alive". Thus charged, 34
the people took the three, brought them to Sihagiri and set
about to do what had been commanded them. Then spake 35
the King's son to the people who carried out the deed: "Do
me the boon of cutting my head off first." The King's men 36
did so, then they struck off the head of King (Samghatissa).
Behold ye who know well what righteous action is, the action
of fools! So transitory are (worldly) delights, so uncertain 37
and unstable: how could ye setting your hearts on these,
neglect to seek your eternal salvation?
They informed the minister of the King's command, as 38
they had his good at heart5. When he heard that he laughed
1 See note to 41. 19.
2 See above 42, 43. The Veluvana-vihara must hence be looked for
somewhere on a line between Anuradhapura and Manihira,
?3 Now Minneriya-veva, one of the largest and most beautiful tanks
in the island, about 10 miles W. N.W. of Polonnaruva,
4 Sigiri lies about 10 mileH W.S.W. from the Minneri lake.
6 W. refers Mtesino to amaeassa "unto the faithful minister". I be-
lieve though, that it is a nom. plu. belonging to the subject contained
in dhamsu. From what follows it seems that Moggallana's henchmen
wislied to save the minister's life by offering him the prospect of service
with the new King.78 Moggallana III
44.30
S9 and spake these words: -"While I was still in life I saw my
master beheaded; shall I alas! serve another master besides
40 him? After ye have slain him here will ye also take-from
him his shadow? Alas! ignorant are ye, I trow, and deluded."
41 After he had spoken thus he took hold of his master's feet
and lay thus there. The henchmen (of Moggallana) seeing
42 no means of bringing him away? willy-nilly struck his head
off too. Then they took the three (heads) and showed them
to the. King. He struck at them and rejoiced, being rid of
43 his fear. To. the treacherous Senapati he granted the dignity
of Malayaraja and gave his son the office of sword-bearer.
44 Moggallana covered the three thupas with new material
and instituted a great thupa festival1 throughout the territory
45 of Lanka. With a great offering he celebrated with reverence
the Hair Relic of the Master, likewise the Tooth Relic and the
46 great Bodhi Tree. In accordance with ancient custom he held
the entire Vesakha2 festival and the like. By a regulative
47 act3 he reformed the Order of the Perfected One. With a great
festival he instituted a recitation of the (three) Pitakas and
he honoured the learned priests by giving them specially high
48 revenues. To all the bhikkhus dwelling on the Island he pre-
sented a robe and in all their dwellings he had kathiaa4 robes
1 The covering over of the thwpas with white linen cloths was a
token of festive homage. Of. 52. 67 and 54. 37. The word sabbe belongs
most likely to Lankdtc&e (see note to 44. 11) and fhupe mahussavam Is
the same as thupas&a wi° and takes the place of the compound tM~
pamahussamm.
2 The month Vesakha corresponds to April-May. The birthday of
the Buddha was celebrated on the day of the full moon of this month.
3 See note to 39. 57.
4 By Mthina we are to understand a gift of clothing to the com-
munity carried out in a specially solemn form at the end of the Pa-
vlrana festival (see note to 37. 90). It is considered highly meritorious.
The term is atthataftathino (lit. "outspread raw cotton"), katkinatth&ra,
in our passage Jcathinam anhar&pati. The ceremony consists in the
uninterrupted making of the garments In the coarse of a day and a
night from raw cotton* The cotton is spun by women, the stuff woven,
dyed and finally made up into garments. Of. Yinaya I. 255 f£ (== Maha-
vagga VII. 1 £).44.59 Moggallana III
79
made. He made images and repaired what was decayed. He 49
made over to the community more than 300 salt-pans. In 50
Karapitthi he built the Moggallana-vihara, further the Pitthi-
gama-vihara and Va^agama together with a village (assigned
to it). He also built a cetiya temple in the Rakkha-vihara1 51
and he granted villages to many viharas for their maintenance.
Thus the Monarch performed countless meritorious works in 52
remembreance of the fleeting nature of the fortunes of the
preceding king.
Now it happened that for some offence or other he became 53
displeased with the Malayarajaa. He remembered his shame-
ful conduct towards the former king. He got him into his 54
power by craft and had his hands and feet cut off. When
the Sword-bearer3 heard that he betook himself with his son <
to Roha^a. Dwelling there he soon brought the land into 55
his power. He sought out Jetthatissa who kept himself hidden ?
in Malaya. In league with him he conquered in a short time 56
the province of Janapada. He then betook himself to the
Dohajapabbata and took up his position in an armed camp4.
When the King heard all that he (likewise) took up his 57
position near him with an army and a train ready for
battle. Now at that time many of the King's people suf- 58
fered from fever and died. When the Sword-bearer heard
that he took up the fight with vehemence. The King's army 59
was too weak, it was scattered and fled. The King fled be-
1 I read RaJckhaviharake as against -Team of the MSS.
2 See 44. 48. 3 The Malayaraja's son (44. 43).
4 I believe that we must read rattham Janapadam and that with
this is meant the country often mentioned later (66. 110 etc.), situated
in northern Malaya towards Dakkhiijadesa. The verb ghatento is curious.
The Dohala mountain is most likely to be sought in the district of
Janapada. The form of the name agrees in all MSS. The alteration
to Dolhapabbata in the Col. Ed. is arbitrary. It cannot be the moun-
tain Dolagalvela. That lies on the right bank of the Mahaveliganga
and occurs in the Mahavamsa (10. 44) under the name Dolapabbata.
The scenes described in our verses took place without doubt somewhere
in the neighbourhood of the present Dambul. In v. 60 Sigiri (Sthapa&bata)
is also mentioned in connection with the battle.80
SilamegJiavanna 44., 60
60 hind it. When the Sword-bearer met him alone near Sfhagiri
61 he slew the Great King together with his attendants. In order
to kill Je^thatissa also whom he had left behind, he sent him
82 a message; ''Come and be King, come." Je^hatissa saw through
the plan, turned and fled to Malaya (for he said to himself:)
"Would he really hand over to me the royal dignity gained
with so much trouble ?"
63 When after six years3 he had slain the Prince Moggallana
64 surnamed Dallas, the Sword-bearer with army and train entered
splendid Anuradhapura, became king and rolled the wheel of
65 dominion over the earth's circle. He was called Sila~
meghavanna3, reverenced the Order and the Bodhi Tree,
sacrificed to the three thupas and enlarged the Mahapali Hall.
66 Daring a bad famine he dispensed milk rice made with butter
and syrup to the community and (presented it) also with filters.
67 Through sheer generosity he won the hearts of the poor,
of travellers and beggars. To boys the bountiful (Prince) gave
68 money to buy cakes. In the Abhayagiri-vihara he honoured
the stone image of the Buddha by an offering. He had its
ruined temple (restored and) brightly decorated with divers
69 precious stones. He dedicated (unto it) the Kolavapi tank
to protect4 the Victor and he continually instituted sacrificial
festivals at the greatest cost.
70 While the Monarch thus lived as a vessel5 for meritorious
action, a general named Sirinaga, mother's brother of Je^tha-
71 tissa, had betaken himself to the opposite shore6. He returned
1 The same number in Pojav. and Bajav.
2 The Sinhalese chronicles give this Surname to Moggallana II. See
note to 41. 63.
s The Sinhalese chronicles do not mention the name of this king.
They merely call him asiggahaka.
4 That is, as wages for the guarding of the image and its temple
lie allotted the proceeds of the tank. The words drakkhattham jinassa
belong to datvana, not to the following.
5 The word bh&jana is used in Skr. with the same figurative sense.
See BE. s. v., nr. 4.
6 I. e. to the mainland of India,44.62
Sitaflivgkavannd 81
with many Damilas and began to take possession of (the nor-
thern province) Uttaradesa. At the tidings of this, the King 72
advanced, offered battle at the village of Rajamittaka, beat
the Damilas who had accompanied him, captured those who 73
remained over from the slaughter, subjected them to all kinds
of humiliation and distributed them here and there as slaves
to the viharas.
"When the Monarch had thus gained the victory, he return- 74
ed to the city and while he, after he had cleared the whole
kingdom and was menaced from no side, dwelt there, a bhikkhu 75
called Bodhi who had seen many undisciplined bhikkhus in
the JLbhayuttara-vihara, though reckoned by the ceremony of
world renunciation, he was still young, came to the King and 76
begged him to proclaim a regulative act1. The King had the
regulative act carried out by him himself in the vihara. Then 77
all the undisciplined bhikkhus who had been expelled from*
the Order, took counsel together, murdered Bodhi secretly
and annulled the act. When the King heard that, he was 78
wroth, seized them all together and made them, their hands
cut off and in fetters, guardians of the bathing tanks; another 79
hundred bhikkhus there he expelled to Jambudipa, In remem-
brance of Bodhi's efforts he thus cleansed the Order, When 80
then he invited the bhikkhus of the Thera School with the
others2 to celebrate together the Uposatha festival, he was
refused. He flew into a rage and offending all respect, he 81
abused and reviled them with harsh words. Then he betook
himself without demanding pardon of the bhikkhus, to
Dakkhiijadesa. There he was attacked by a fell disease and 82
died suddenly. Thus after nine years3 he left the earth.
1 See note to 39. 57.
2 The other bhikkhus meant here are those of the Abhayagiri-vihara.
As the King has expelled the unworthy members of the Order, he thinks
the time come for a common celebration with the bhikkhus of the
Ifahavihara, which they however reject.
8 The same length of reign is assigned to Asiggihaka in the PBjav.
and Rajiv.
682 Aggabodhi III 883.
44,83
83 His son the young prince, Aggabodhi by name, then
84 became king, known by the name of Sirisamghabodhi1. He
Invested his youngest brother Mana with the dignity of uparaja
and granted him (the province of) Dakkhinadesa with fitting
85 army and train. The King who did no discredit to the con-
duct of former kings, protected the kingdom in justice and
86 deeply reverenced the Order. Jetthatissa who heard all this
in Malaya, betook himself to the Arit^ha mountain2 and brought
87 the population over to his side. After he had brought the
southern and eastern districts into his power and made them
his friends3, he began gradually to march with strong forces
88 on the capital. He sent his minister Dathasiva to occupy the
territory in the west4 and took up a position himself in the
89 village Siripitthi. When the King heard all that he sent the
Uparaja5 (Mana) with a force into the western territory. He
90 went up and put Dathasiva to flight. The King thought: one
can kill the fellow like a young bird in the nest6 and took
1 For the first time Sirisamghabodhi occurs as royal Iriruda.
WiCKBEMJisiNGHE has made the happy observation that in the sequel this
epithet is used alternately with that of Silameghavanna, so that
when a king bears the Uruda Sirisamghabodhi, his successor calls him-
self Silimeghava^na and conversely. EZ. II, p. 9. As name Sirisamgha-
bodhi is first met with Mhvs. 36. 73 ff. (300 A. D.). The title was ob-
viously chosen in honour of this pious king of the Lambakanna clan.
The Sinhalese chronicles only know King Aggabodhi III. under the
name Sirisangabo.
2 Now Mitigala, the isolated massif halfway between Anuradhapura
and Polonnarava*
3 P. smamdnase, not -so as in the Col. Ed. Jetthatissa not only
brings the districts into his power, but also wins over the inhabitants
as adherents (mm&nasa "being like-minded'1),
4 It seems to me that pacchimam disam in v. 88 as also pacchimam
demm in v. 89 are not to be taken as proper names of a district, as
little as pwbbadakKMme in v. 87, but merely as a general geographical
designation.
5 See v. 84.
6 D
of Che inexperienced &macca of prince Jetthatissa.441,54
fetthakwa III &$
prisoner the prince's minister (Dathasiva) who had marched to
Mayetti. Then he thought: I will catch Jet$hatissa in the 91
same way* and with; a few troops the fearless one marched
recklessly against him. But Jetthatissa on the news thereof, 92
fell with a skilled army and train on the King's army like
a sea that has burst its bounds. The army of the King was 93
scattered; the King mounted his elephant and fled at once
alone and in disguise. In the sixth month after his accession 94
he hastily took ship and betook himself to Jambudfpa, deser-
ting wealth, country and kinsfolk.
Jetthatissa now became king in the city; he fulfilled 95
all duties as was formerly customary and protected the Order.
Mahadaragiri he granted to the Abhayuttara-vihara, to the 96
Maha vihara he made over the Bodhi Tree called Mahametta.
To the Jetavana the King granted Goijdigama. To the prac- 97
tising-house in the Mahanaga(-vihara)x he assigned the villages
Matulariga.$a and Odumbaranga^a and to the Kassapagiri2 98
(-vihara) (the village of) Ambilapika for the (supply of) food.
The village of Kakkhalavit^hi he gave to the Veluva$a(-vi- 99
hara3) and to tjfie Gangamati-vihara the village of Keheta; to 100
the (vihara) called Antaraganga he gave the village of Culla-
matika and to the (vihara) Mayettikassapavasa (the village of)
Sahannanagara. To the Kalavapi-vihara he assigned the vil- 101
lage called Lada. This and other (viharas) he provided
abundantly with maintenance villages. What was ruinous he 102
restored (at a cost of) three hundred thousand (kahapa^as);
to the bhikkhus dwelling in the Island he presented the ihree
garments.
The King (Aggabodhi) who had betaken himself to Jam- 103
budfpa had brothers in blood. These hidden here and there,
sought to make the land rebellious. When Je^hatissa heard 104
this, he betook himself to Kalavapi, made war on them and
1 For this vihara see 42. 24. For padhdnaghara cf. 37. 232.
2 Inscriptiona! mention Is made of tbls monastery under the name
Kasabgiri on a tablet of Mablnda IV. See WicKKEMAsiNGHt EZ. I, p. 216.
It Is mentioned again in Culavs. 48. 24 under Kassapa III.
3 See note to 44. 29.44!0§
105 took up a position with his army on the spot. The King
(Aggabodhi) who had gone to the other coast and there hired
Dainila troops, came to Kllavapi and began the combat. Jetfha-
tissa ready for war with a well equiped force, first letting his mi-
106 nisier Dathasiva escape1 to Janibudfpa, mounted his armoured
107 elephant, but seeing his troops fall back in the battle, he spake
108 thus to the high dignitary who rode with him on the elephant:
"Take1 my message to the Mahesi, then mayest thou do what thou
109 wilt: forsake 0 great Queen, the world, recite the sacred texts,
learn the Abhidhamniaa and transfer the merit to the King*."
110 After he had given this order, he hewed down the Damilas
as many of them as met hint in the course of the battle. But
111 when his strength was failing* he saw a Damila called Veluppa
coming to fight with him. Then as he was wont to keep a
112 knife in the betel-nut bag in his hand, he quickly drew his
dagger out of that and cut his throat. Then leaning upon the
113 elephant, he stuck the knife back in the sheath. The great
army cried aloud. The high dignitary set off, thinking ever
114 and only of how the King had cut his throat, and gave the
Queen the message. Together with her he underwent in the
Order the eeretnony of world renunciation and after he had
115 mastered the Abhidhamixia together with the commentary, he
1 P. palap£tvdt The translation "he sent" does not give the full
sense of the original. According to v. 90, Dathasiva had become the
prisoner of Aggabodhi. But as it is expressly stated, v. 98, that Agga-
bodhi escaped alone (eJco) in disguise to JambudTpa, Dathasiva can no
longer be in his power. It is thus not a case of freeing Da^hasiva from
captivity, the latter must be again in Jetthatissa's service. The idea is
rather the following*: Jetthatism sends Dathasiva to Southern India, to
cut off AggabodhTs rearward communications, thereby unconsciously
letting his minister escape the disaster overtaking himself.
* 2 The Abhidhamma is the third part of the Buddhist Canon, in
which its philosophical content is systematically summarized ? the
third pital-a, See 37. 221.
3 P. jMttfijt dehi rcgim* For the term pwtti see note to 42. 50.
4 P. tiymthi Jcfeayam agate perhaps "when his lifetime came to an
end" according to his kamma*44.123 Aggdbodhi III
SSB. 85
came down .(once) from the teacher's chair1 and seated himself
on the ground. At the Queen's request: come and show me
how the King died, he Seated himself in front of her, cut his 116
throat, stuck the knife '(in the sheath) and spate: ''Thus died
Ms Majesty". When she saw that her heart broke through 117
heavy sorrow and she died. Thus after five months King
Jetthatissa went to Heaven2.
After Aggabodhi had thus victoriously subdued the foe 118
in battle, he restored his royal dominion and resided in the
capital. To the practising-house3 called Mahallaraja which had 119
been erected4 by himself in company with the Uparaja (Mana),
he granted the two villages of Haiikara and Saoaugania as 120
well as the royal share in (the revenues) of Kehella, and the
whole of the (necessary) staff. To the Jetavana(-vihara) he 121
gave (the village) Mahamapikagama and he honoured the
Mayettikassapavasa(-vihara) by the grant of Salaggama. To 122
the Cetiya mountain5 he granted Ambillapadara and in Pu-
latthinagara he built the Mahlpanadipa (-vihara)6.
The court officials of? the King slew the Yuvaraja Mana 123
who had committed an offence in the women's apartments,
1 Dhamwdsana is a raised seat in the centre of the assembly-hall
of the bhikkhus on which the priest, who recites the sacred text, takes
his place, his face turned towards the east. It differs from the tJierdsana
on which the head of the Chapter has his seat, facing north. See Mhvs.
3, 21-22, 32, 3a
2 Pujav. and Rajav. give Lamani-Katusara-Detatis ? so the King" is
called in these chronicles ? likewise a reign of five months.
3 See 37.232; 39. 58.
4 In the Col. Ed. the text of the MSS. has been arbitrarily altered.
There is nothing surprising in the use of the loc. Jcarite instead of the
genitive karitassa used with padhanagharaJcassa. Cf. Culavs. ed,, Introd.
p. XVIIL
5 Ctitiyctgiri = Cetiyapabbata here of the monastery erected on the
MihintaJe mountain. See notes to 38 75 and 42. 28.
6 For the form of the name see note to 44 6. The name of the
later capital of the kingdom, Pulatthinagara (now Polonnarara) is here
mentioned for the first time in the Culavamsa. It does not occur at
all in the older Mahammsa.86
Dathopatissa I 44.' 124
124 although they had promised him'absolute safety1. Therefore
the King wishful of securing the succession (for his family),
invested his youngest brother Kassapa by name with the
125 dignity of'Uparaja. Now when Da^hasiva heard of the death
of Mana he came in haste with Damila troops to the village
126 called Tintini2. At the tidings of his advance Aggabodhi
marched out with his army, gave battle and was forced in
127 the twelfth year (of his reign) to flee to Jambudipa. At his
flight he left everything behind. He took with him only the
pearl chain of one string3 by which to make himself known,
128 and departed quite alone. Even without the chain of one
string of pearls DathSsiva became king, according to custom,
known over the circle of the earth under the name of
129 Datihopatissa. The other (Aggabodhi) seized the op-
portunity and got hold of the government again by fighting.
130 So each drove out the other in turn. But the whole people
suffering under the wars of these two kings, fell into
131 great misery and lost money and field produce. Dathopatissa
exhausted the whole property of former kings and seized all
objects of value in the three fraternities4 and in the relic
132 temples. He broke in pieces the golden images and took the
gold for himself and plundered all the golden wreaths and
138 other offerings. In the Thuparama likewise he took away
the golden crowning ornament on the temple and smashed
the umbrella on the cetiya which was studded with costly
134 precious stones. The canoes in the Mahaplli Hall lie left to
1 I now believe that the conjecture aparajjkitvd of S. and B. instead
of aparujjhitva must be accepted with regard to 51. 8. The construction
of the sentence is certainly irregular. The gerund aparajjhitica is used
like a Loc. absol. The court officials killed the Yuvaraja because an
offence in the women's apartments had been committed by him.
2 As the yield from taxation of this village according to 41. 96
was assigned to the Mahavihara, it cannot be situated very far from
Anuradhapura. Thus Ba|ha§iva advances from the coast direct, on the
capital.
B Obviously a peculiarly valuable part of the regalia, of the raja-
sddkamti* Of. Skr. ekamll, as well as 46, 17.
4 See note to 41. 97.44.146 Kassapa II
87
the Damilas; (and) they burned down the royal palace together
with tbe Relic Temple1. Later he repented and to acknow- 135
ledge his wrong he founded the Sakavatthu-vihara with- the
(necessary) revenues. His sister's son also, the Mahadipada, 136
known among the people by ,the name Ratanadatha, supported
the King with his income. (Once) when Aggabodhi had by 137
military superiority got hold of the kingdom, the Tuvaraja,
Kassapa2, the deluded one, to provide for his army led by 138
evil-natured villains, broke open by force the cetiya of the
Thuparama and plundered the valuable treasures given by 139
Devanampiyatissa, the younger Aggabodhi3 and (other) former
kings. He also broke open the cetiya of the Dakkhina-vihara 140
and seized the valuable treasures and he had yet other (cetiyas)
broken open. When he acted thus led away by evil-natured 141
people, the King was powerless to prevent him ? alas!
evil-doers will not be hindered (in their action) ? and as 142
he could not hinder him he by the organisation of a festival,
restored the cetiya of the Thuparama shattered by him, at
the cost of a thousand (kahapanas).
Now the Lord of men Aggabodhi was defeated by Dathopa- 143
tissa and betook himself to Rohana to restore his army and
train. While he sojourned there he fell ill and died in the 144
sixteenth year4 (of his reign). Thereupon his youDgest brother
the Yuvaraja Kassapa, sent King Dathopatissa flying to 145
Jambudlpa and united the country under one dominion; but
the crown he did not wear5. Through intercourse with pious 146
people he repented and with the thought: I will make an end
1 See note to.87. 95,
2 Younger brother of Aggabodhi III,
* By Aggabodhi II. Of. with this, 42. 51 ff.
4 The calculation evidently starts from the beginning- of the reign
of Aggabodhi III Thus the 15-16 years include the first period of
Aggabodhi (6 months), the interregnum of Jetthatissa II, as well as the
reign of Dathopatissa who, according to v. 126, seized the sovereignty
in the twelfth year of Aggabodhi. Pujav. and Rajav. simply say that
Jetthatissa reigned 5 months, Dathopatissa (Lamani Dalupatis) 12 years
and Aggabodhi (Sirisangabo) 16 years.
5 Evidently Dathopatissa had secured the Regalia.88 "
Kassapa II 44. 147
147 of my evil doings1, be laid out flower gardens, fruit .gardens
and tanks and he ??konoured the three great cetiyas by large
148 offerings. To the Tbuparama also lie brought an offering
and granted it a Tillage and he had the sacred texts recited
149 by all the foreign bhikfchos*. In the Maricava$ti(-yihara) he
erected a very massive pasada and let the Grand Thera live
150 there who had his seat in Nagasala. While he sojourned there,
he provided him with the four necessaries and had the
151 Abhidhamma with the commentary recited by him. Then after
he had had the Nagasala dwelling put in order3 he made it
over to him also, and granted him the village of Mahanit$hila
for the supply of the (four) necessaries.
152 Now Dathopatissa came hither from Jambudipa with a
153 great force; but when he offered battle to Kassapa he was
defeated by the latter who had a well equipped army, and
was slain. Twelve years had passed since he became king*.
154 A sister's son of Dathopatissa named Hatthada^ha fled full of
fear from the great battle to Jambudipa5.
155 Thus in truth all joys are fleeting, hard to attain is their
delight and lasts but a moment. Therefore he who seeks his
salvation will give up his joy in these and will turn to the truth.
Here ends the forty-fourth chapter, called "The Six Kings",
in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.
1 Lit: I will bring about the destruction of my evil kamma.
2 The off&miyabMkkfiaw are the opposite of the bhikkhaco dlpavasino,
the hhikkhus settled in the Island. Those are bhikkhus who come from
outside, on a pilgrimage to Ceylon, for instance. When W. translates:
"holy monks who lived not among the habitations of men", he was
probably thinking of dr&nnakd bkiJskhcttW.
3 We must take kartvd in the sense of "to restore", in which the verb
kar is often ^sed. It would also be possible to translate Jtf&gasalakam
aoasam katva by "after he had made a habitable dwelling out of N."
In any case the meaning is that the former dwelling of the Mahathera,
NagasaUE, had become dilapidated and that until its restoration the King
assigned him as dwelling the newly built pasida in the Maricavat|i-vihim.
* If we compare this with the calculation in the note to 44. 144, we
find that Kthopatissa's death falls in the eighth year of Kmesapa's reign.
5 See for this passage my edition 0f the Cfclayaipm, Introd. p. XIX.Kassapa
II 89
CHAPTER XLV
THE FOUR KINGS
Hereupon Kassapa, the victor in the fight, whose aspiration 1
was fulfilled, gave a most excellent repast in the Mahapali
Hall to the community. He honoured the ascetic Maha- 2
dbammakathin who lived in the Nagasala by a great offering
and induced him to recite the true doctrine. In honour of 3
the Thera who was a native of Katandhakara, who lived in
the building erected by his brother, he had the sacred text
written down with a short summary1. What was delapidated 4
he restored and had new works undertaken on the cetiyas and
provided sundry revenues for the community in several places.
He had three diadem jewels2 wrought which glittered with 5
different precious stones, and he gladdened a hundred Pandu-
palasas3 by an offering of garments.
Kassapa had many sons, the eldest of them was Manaka. 6
They were not yet in riper years, children without much sense.
1 KatandhakaraDdsin probably refers to the home of the them whose
name is not mentioned, just as to-day when a bhikkhu enters the Order
the name of his native place is prefixed to his adopted one. His abode
was evidently the padhdnaghara called Mahallaraja built according to
44, 119 by Kassapa's brother Aggabodhi III. in company with the Yuva-
raja Mana. With **summary" (same/aha) of the sacred text one should
compare titles like Abhidhammattbasarngaha, Dbammasamgaha, Sad-
dhammasamgaha, Sarasamgaha.
2 Evidently as crowning ornaments for the three great cetiyas ?
Ifahathnpa, Jetavana- and Abhayagiri-Thupa. Does the epithet nGndmtiHi-
mmttjjotam indicate that each cetiya had its own particular colour?
3 W. (p. 32, note); "A pand^pal&xa is a lay candidate for holy orders
living in the viliara until he could get his robes and alms-bowl made."90
Dappula I
45.7
7 Now once when he was seized by a bad illness, he thought:
8 my sons are all still children, incapable of reigning, and he
sent for his very clever sister's son (Mana) who lived in the
province of Eoha^a and transferred to him the whole govern-
9 ment, together with the care of his sons. After he had
honoured the cetiyas with perfumes, flowers and other offerings
he made his peace with the bhikkhu community by supplying
10 them with the four necessaries. Thus the Lord of men practis-
ed justice towards friends, officials and subjects and went
after nine years1 according to his doing.
11 Mana having piously fulfilled the prescribed duties towards
his, uncle, won over the people and had the Damilas2 expelled.
12 But the Damilas banded themselves together with the resolve:
we will drive him out, and just while he was away they seized
13 the town. To Hatthadatha who was in Jambudipa, they sent
the message: "It is time for thee to come and take over the
14 government." Mana also sent a message in haste to his father
to Rohapa, When his father heard it he came hither from
15 Roha$a without delay. The two took counsel together and
made a mock treaty with the Damilas. Thereupon they were
16 all in accord. Mana now crowned his father (Dappula3)
king. He when he was consecrated, presented the (three)
17 fraternities with three thousand (kahapa^as). Having thus
won over the Order and the kingdom, for himself, he sent all
provisions found in the palace to Roha^a to secure them from
18 the enemy. When Hatthadatha heard the news of the Damilas
19 he came immediately to this Island with a Damila force. All
the despised Damiks who dwelt here, arose and joined him
20 on the way as he approached. And Mana thought when he
heard all that: it is no time to fight now, and sent his father,
* The same number in Pujav. and Bajav. where the king has the
name P&sulu-KasTibtu Likewise in Rajaratn. and Nik.-s.
s The mercenaries whom Dafhopatissa had brought with him from
Southern India and who according to 44. 134 f. had become an tra-
diseiplined rabble.
?
8 The King's name is first mentioned in v. 36, The Sinhalese
chronicles agree in calling the successor of PSsulu Kafubii Dappnja,45.30
Dathopatissa II
91
the King, with the valuable property to Rohaga. He betook 21
himself to the Eastern Province and bringing the people round
to his side, took up his abode there, 'But Hatthadatha who
had won over the party of the Damilas for himself, occupied
thfe royal city and publicly took the name of Dafhopatissa. 22
After his mother's brother the people called him by this name.
Having fetched his father's brother's son, Aggabodhi by name, 23
he placed him in the position of Tuvaraja and granted him
the province of Dakkhiijadesa. Upon his supporters he bestow- 24
ed honourable office according to merit and towards the Order
and the people he fulfilled every duty. In the Mahapali Hall 25
he had besides clothing, rice with sour milk, milk and milk
rice distributed and keeping the Uposatha day, he hearkened
to the sermon. As he made all offerings and had sermons 26
preached, he by these and other merits made himself happy.
To the Kassapa-viiara1 he granted the village of Senamagama 27
and Mahagalla2 he gave to the practising-house. To the Mora- 28
parive^a3 he granted (the village of) Kasagama and the cetiya
of the Thuparama he honoured by the grant of Puweli. In 29
the Abhayuttara(-vihara) he built the Kappura-parive$a4 and
he built the vihara called Tiputthulla and added it to the
same (vihara). As he was about to do this, the bhikkhus of 30
the Thera School wanted to prevent him, because the vihara
was situated within their boundary5. But he treated them
without consideration and carried the thing through by force,
1 What is meant is probably the KassapagM-vihara mentioned 44.98
(see the note) and again 48. 24.
2 Of. note to 44. 3. The "practising-house" is probably the padhina-
ghara Mahallaraja mentioned 44. 119 and which Is probably meant
in 45. 3.
3 See note to 37. 172.
4 This parivena is mentioned again twice. Aggabodhi IT. built a
pastitda there according to 46. 21 and Sena I. according to 50. 77 a
paricclieda (s. note to 42. 39).
5 The passage is surprising. As the Abhayuttara (Abbayagiri) is
without doubt the northern thupa it Is difficult to understand how a
boundary dispute can arise between It and the Mahavihara, the seat of
the Thera Bhikkhus.
. -92 History of
Eohana, 45. SI
31 Then the bhikkhus of the Thera School were ??bitter .-against
the King, saw in him an unbeliever and applied to him the
82 turning down of the alms-bowl1. For the wise Master hath
38 said: "If an unbelieving layman thinks to lessen the income
of the bhikkbus or taunts them, the turning down of the
alms-bowl is to be applied." Hence they carried out this
34 action against him ?? the laity thought otherwise ? and they
made the agreement that when a bhikkhu goes on the mendi-
cant's round bearing the alms-bowl upright, he shall turn it
35 down at the gate of his house. Now at that time the King
was smitten with a fell disease and died in the ninth year
(of his reign2), since the end of his lifetime had come.
36 King Dappula had meanwhile betaken himself to his Rohana
and took up his abode there, heaping up a store of meri-
37 torious works. Now we will relate the history of his house
in due order, because if it is related now it will cause no
disturbance3.
38 There was once a man of the lineage of Okkaka4, known
by the name of Mahatissa, rich In merit, a mine of heaped-mf)
39 virtues. He had a wife known by the name of Samghasiva
gifted with wealth and virtue, the daughter of the ruler of
1 The meaning of pattamklcujjana is clear from this passage. If the
bhikkhus wish a layman to be regarded as expelled from the society,
they make this known by refusing to take alms from him, turning down
the bowl as it were. V. 33d is a parenthesis: Though the laymen did
not approve it, the bhikkhus carried out the action.
2 Pujav. and Rajav. say also that Laniani-Dalupatissa reigned 9 years.
They make him the successor of Dapiilu. Nik.-s, mentions two successors
of Dipulu: Lamani-Dalupatissa and Pasulu-Dakpatissa.
3 To judge by the form of the introduction to the following passage
appearing so disconnectedly in the context, it seems to me beyond a
doubt that the author has here made use of another source, apparently
a chronicle of Rohana and its dynasty. It must be the same source
which is employed in 57. 3 ff., where just as abruptly as here, a section
from the history of Rohana is inserted. Of. also note to 47. 1.
4 A mythical king (Skr. Iksvaku, HOPKINS, Epic Mythology, p. 201)
through whom (Mhvs. 2. 1 ff.) the Sakya family from which the Buddlia
sprang, is derived from Mahasammata. See also RQCKHIIX, the Life of
the Buddha, p. 9 ff.40. $0 j&istory of
Mohana 93
She had three sons: the first was called Aggahodhi, 40
the second Dappula, the third Maniakkhika. She also had 41
a daughter who came to the court of the King. The eldest
son was the independeHt ruler1 of the province called Rohana.
Rich as he was, he had the Mahapali Hall built in Mahagama* 42
and there also the parivema called Datbaggabodhi. In Kanu- 43
gam®* (he built) hospitals for the blind and the sick and a
large image house in the Patima-vihlra. There the wise (prince) 44
set up a stone image of the Buddha which he had made and
which received the name of "tbe. great", produced as by a
miracle. Further he built the Salavana-vihara which bore his 45
name and the Parivena-vihara as well as that of Kajara-
glnta4. He erected new buildings in the Bhammasala-vihara 46
and the discerning (prince) himself cleaned out the privies
therein. Once having enjoyed the food left over by the 47
bhikkhu community he (being) pleased, granted the village
of Mancjagama5 to the community. When he after performing 48
these and other meritorious works, had gone to Heaven, his
next brother Dappula by name, became ruler (in the land).
He carried on the government after subduing his enemies, 49
instituted a great almsgiving, (and) made Rohana secure. His 50
subjects were contented with him and said: he is our great
lord and since then the people called him "Great Lord".
1 This passage shows that Rohana about 600 A. D. was not yet in-
corporated with the kingdom with the capital Aimradhapura, but that
it held or at any rate claimed an independent position beside it.
2 The name is contained in that of the present Magama (Census
of Ceylon, 1921, II, 194, on the left bank of the Kirinda-oya not far
from its mouth in the Hambantota district) whose cultivated land is
watered by tbe Magam-Ela diverted from the Yoda-veva in Tissamaharama.
Mahagama is first mentioned Mhvs. 22, 8 as the residence of Devanampiya-
tissa's younger brother, Mahanaga.
3 The name means 'Village of the blind".
4 Now Kataragam north of Tissamaharama, on the Menikganga, on
the old road from Mahagama to Guttasala (now Buttala). It is known
by a much visited shrine of Skanda. According to the Census of Ceylon
(II. 464) the village had 103 inhabitants in 1921.
5 A ifadugama in the Mahavedirata Korale of the Badulla District
(N. E. of Buttala) is mentioned in the Census of Ceylon IL 460.94
. JRstory of Eohana
45. .51
51 . When the Ruler of men Siladatha1 heard of that he, .gave
him his daughter (to wife) and delighted at his many good
52 qualities, he granted him the office of Yuvaraja, indicating by
that that he was fitted for the royal dignity. Manavamma and
53 other men of high repute were his sons. When he was with the
Mahathera .who dwelt in the Pasa^adlpa (-vihara) and had
heard the sermon of the sacred texts, he experienced believing
54 trust in him and to honour him he built the Rohaija-vihara2
and gave it to him. But the Thera made it over for the use
55 of the community in the four quarters of the earth. Dappula
built the Ambamala-vihara and many other viharas; lie also
56 erected the Khadirali-vihara and offered to the god3. The
discerning (prince) repaired the Anurarama-pasada, the badly
decayed Muttolamba(-pasada)4, the Sirivad
57 further one (called) Takkambila, and housed thirty-two bhikkhus
therein whom he gladdened by the gift of the four necessaries,
58 The village of Kevattagambhira he granted to the Naga-
vihara5, to the Raja-vihara he assigned the village of Gonna-
59 gama. In the same way he gave to the Tissa-vihara (the
1 The name as name of a king does not occur in this form in the
Culavamsa ? another proof of the separate character of the Rohana
Chronicle. King Silameghavanna is meant; for in 45. 8, 11 Mana, the
son of Dappula, is described as sister's son (bMgineyya) of Kassapa II.,
the son of Silamegbavanna. Thus Dappula was married to the sister
of Kassapa II, a daughter of Silameghavanna.
2 The Col. Ed. has viharam Roliane and W. accordingly translates
"a vihara in Rohana1*, The MSS. reading meanwhile, is mharam Ro-
Mnatn and it is quite correct, for in the Pujav. and Rajiv, also the
building of the Ruhunuvehera is ascribed to Dapulu. Cf. Culavs. ed.,
Introd. p. XIX.
3 Presumably there was at this spot a local Hindu cult, probably
of Skanda, the God of Kajaragama, a kind of patron saint of Rohana;
and the King did not neglect to reverence the deity.
4 I take jMuttolambam for the name of a pasada. At any rate W.'s
translation "ornamented it with festoons of pearls" is impossible to re-
concile with the text. The finite verb would be wanting.
5 One of the oldest viharas in Rohana, built by the founder of the
dynasly7 MahAnaga, the brother of Devinampiyatisss. Mhvs« 22. 9.45.69
History of Eoliana ,
95
village of) Kattikapabbata and to the Cittalapabbata(-vihara)1
the village of Gonnavitthi. Having granted to the Ariyakari 60
(-vihara) the .village of Malavatthu, he built in that place a
superb image house. For the (image of) the Victor (Buddha) 61
there he had a valuable tuft of hair (between the brows) made
and a bandolier2 of gold and brought it every kind of offering.
Decayed cetiyas he adorned with a new coating of stucco and 62
further he had a statue fifteen cubits3 high made of the sa-
viour Metteyya4. These and other meritorious works without 63
number the Prince performed himself and had them also per-
formed in pious fashion by his retinue. Amongst the people 64=
surrounding him were many men of meritorious action; nume-
rous viharas furnished with (all) necessaries were built by them.
Once when Dappula was on the march in a pathless wil- 65
derness, he after finding quarters for his army, pitched his
camp at night. As he lay there, well bathed and oiled and 66
well fed, outstretched on a splendid couch and in a comfor-
table tent, he tried to sleep. Nevertheless he found no sleep 67
and although with the thought, what then could be the cause,
he pondered over all that he had experienced during the day,
he found no cause in himself5. Thus he thought it must lie 68
outside (of his person) and entrusted people with the task of
seeking it. He spake thus: "Without doubt worthy friends6 69
of mine have tarried during the night at the foot of a tree
1 The Tissa-vihara, now the Tissaraaharama near Hambantota, and
the Cittalapabbata-vihara were founded by Kakavanttatissa (Mhvs. 22.23).
The ruins of the latter, now called Situlpav-vehera (Nik.-s. 15. 17) lie
fifteen miles N. E. of Tissamaharama not far from Katagamuva. See
JAYAVARDANA, Ceylon National Review II, p. 23. For an inscription in
the Situlpav-vehera see E. MULLEB, Anc. Inscr, Ceylon, Nr.16, p. 29,74,110;
WlCKREMASINGHE, EZ. I, p. 60, 67.
3 For the unnaloma and the hemapatta {or hemavaddha) on the
Buddha images s. note to 38. 64.
3 About 22V* ft. (= 6.86 ra). See note to 37, 172,
* Note to 37. 242.
5 The word anto which refers to the person of the King, stands in
opposition to &a/ii
6 The word ayyalcd refers to bhlkkhus.96
History of ffiohana 45. 7®
70 and have become wet. Bring them hither!" Numbers of
people with torches in their hands set forth to the search
and found1 bhikkhus who came from Mahagama, under a tree.
71 They returned and told the tidings to the King. He hastened
thither, and when he saw the bhikkhus brought them full
72 of joy to his own tent, gave them red garments which he
kept ready for constantly renewed gifts to the bhikkhus, took
73 the wet garments himself and had them dried, practised the
custom of feet-washing and the like, made them ail sit on a
74 well covered couch, offered them medicine, handed it to them
himself, did for them also in the morning everything that
75 had to be done, such as feeding and the like, gave them ser-
vants and let them go when they liked. Thus was the be-
ginning of the day2 spent by him who had his pleasure in
doing meritorious works.
76 While thus this most excellent of men directed his life
and also the kingdom, thinking only of meritorious works,
77 keeping all his subjects to meritorious action, Mana tarried
in the Eastern Province and collected troops. Then he
78 brought together his father's army and resources and marched
to Tisucullasagamas to begin war. Dathopatissa also marched
on hearing the tidings of this, with strong forces to Tambala.
79 When they met they fought a great battle. Dathopatissa^
80 warriors sent Mana to Heaven. When Dappula heard that,
he died also, pierced with the arrow of grief. Seven days
long dwelling in Anuradhapura he had wielded the sceptre4;
1 Gaee&amta has the meaning of seeking as well as finding. The
verb governs tlie ace. bhikkhu "when during their search they found
bhikkhus , . . they returned . . ."
2 The reading of the MBS. tassadidwasam gai&m (as emendation
instead of goto) is very good and must not be altered as in the Col.
Bd», into t®8®&m cKwmm gatam, The point lies ju«t in
this, that al-
ready in the early morning the King could satisfy his desire for punna,
how much more in the course of the day.
3 The greater number of my MSS. have this reading. Only in one
of them is it corrected into Ti^MaJmymgamaMam. The GoL Ed. reads
Tipucullasagdmal'am.
4 Namely immediately after the death of Kassapa IL Then be re-45.82
History of Eohana
97
in Kohana he wielded it three years: therefore we have spoken 81
of him in Rohana as well as here1.
Thus were the joys which a man won toilsomely only by 82
killing his foes in fight, effulgent but for a moment, like the
lightning. What wise man would find his pleasure in them?
Here ends the forty-fifth chapter, called "The Four Kings",
in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.
tired to Rohana, his son Mana to the Eastern Province. The events
described in v. 78 ff. took place three years later, thus still in the
first
half of the reign of Dathopatissa. According to PSjav. Dappula reigned
3 years and 3 months. According to Rajav. 10 years. Both sources
have in mind the reign in Rohana.
1 Namely in Anuradhapura.AggabodM IF. S8B,
CHAPTER XLVI
THE THREE KINGS
1 After Hatthadatha's death the younger brother of the king,
the prince Aggabodhi became (king) under the name of Siri-
2 samghabodhi *. He was a just monarch, gifted with right
views; therefore he performed meritorious works without number.
3 He took care of the eating-houses of the inmates of the three
fraternities, enlarged the Mahapali Hall and decreed the kee-
4 ping of the command not to slay. He bestowed office accor-
ding to worth without preference2, and by showing favour in
accordance with rank, clans and so forth he won over these
5 to himself. Wherever the discerning (prince) saw bhikkhus he
honoured them and made them recite the Paritta3 which is
6 contained in the doctrine (of the Buddha). (Once) when he
visited the Thera Dathasiva who dwelt in Nagasala, rich in
7 knowledge, virtuous, highly learned, he paid him reverence,
heard from him the doctrine of the Perfectly Enlightened One,
1 From rajimo we must supply the predicative substantive r&ja.
2 P. dnalayo. Cf, note to 42. 42.
3 Ceremonies at which a Paritta Text is recited are observed on the
most divers occasions, joyful and sad, at the inauguration of a new house,
on a journey or at similar undertakings, for warding off sickness, after
cases of death, etc. For such a ceremony at which I was present see
Journ. PTS. 1924?27, p. 227. The epithet samnogadh® stresses the ca-
nonical character of the Paritta. The testa of the Paritta are taken
? from the canonical writings and the Khuddaka-Pafcha itself is a kind of
Paritta (s. SEIDENSTGCKEE, Khuddaka Patho, twl. p. 2 ff.) I am inclined
to believe that it is this book which is meant by the Paritta mentioned
37. 226. The Paritta ceremonies are derived from popular magic. This
is clearly seen in the narrative 51. 80, 52. 80.46.19
Aggabodhi IV. SSB. 99
rejoiced fervently over the doctrine since it offers absolute
peace. When then he heard of the many injuries done to the 8
bhikkhus of the Thera School by evil-minded villains, former
relatives of his own kinsfolk, he restored the ruined viharas 9
and parivenas as they had been originally and granted them
here and there maintenance villages with abundant revenues.
Where the necessaries had been curtailed he brought them now 10
as it were to new growth. Slaves he placed at the disposal of
the community where they were wanted. For the above named 11
Thera he built a practising-house which bore his name; the dis-
cerning (Thera) accepted it and made it over to the commu-
nity. As maintenance villages the King granted it1 Bharattala, 12
Kihimbila, Kataka, Tuladhara and Andhanaraka, Andhakara, 13
Antureli, Balava, Dvaranayaka, as well as Mahanikkaclclhika
and farther Pelahala. Having granted these and other main- 14
tenance villages, the Ruler of men placed at its disposal helpers
for the monastery who were even of his own kindred. Having 15
further seen and heard that necessaries flowed sparingly to the
viharas of the two fraternities2, he granted them also many
maintenance villages. What need (is there) of many words? 16
Also to the three fraternities he gave a thousand villages
with large and assured revenues. Bearing in mind the splendid 17
qualities of the three Jewels3, he took the pearl chain4 of
one string and made of it a rosary5. Thus he was in all 18
his dealings one to whom the teaching of the Buddha was the
highest (good), and vying with him all the people also fulfilled
the (commands of that) doctrine. The Damila by name Pottfaa- 19
kuttha, who was in his service, erected the wonderful practising-
1 P. tassa; padhanagkarassa must be supplied. All the foundations
enumerated in vv. 12?14 had to do evidently with the "practising-house"
mentioned in v. 11. For the monastery helpers (firamika v. 14) see note
to 37. 63.
3 Perhaps the Thuparama and the Maricavatti-vihara. See note to 41.97.
3 Buddha, Dhamma and Samgha, the Buddha, his doctrine and his
Order are thus called.
4 See note to 44. 127.
s P. akkham&l& = skr. akmmdla with the same meaning.
7*100 Aggabodhi IV. SSB.
46. 20
20 house, called Matambiya1 and assigned it the Ambavapi (tank)
at Bukakalla, the village of Tantavayikacatika, as well as the
21 village of Nitthilavet$hi together with slaves. In the Kappura-
parivena2, as well as in the Kurundapillaka (-vihara) and (in
the vihara of) Maharajaghara the same (Potthakuttha) erected
22 pasadas. In addition he granted, wealthy as he was, three
villages to the viharas. The wise Senapati, Potthasata by
23 name, finished in the vihara called Jeta a parivena that bore
the King's name. The Damila Mahakanda built the parivena
24 called after him, another (built) the Cullapantha (-parivena)
and Samghatissa, the TJparaja of the King, (built) the Seha-
25 la-uparajaka. Many people besides erected these and other vi-
haras, emulating the King; for it is the rule with living crea-
26 tures: what he who is master does, evil or good, the same
is done by his subjects; let the wise man take heed of that.
27 The highly virtuous Mahesi of the King, Jettha by name, built
28 the Jettharama as abode for the bhikkhunfs and granted it
two villages in the Pattapasana domain and the village of
Buddhabhelagama, as well as a hundred monastery helpers.
29 The wealthy Malayaraja gave a costly relic-house for the cetiya
30 in the Man4alagiri-viharas and on the Lohapasada he covered
the central pinnacle. The Bodhitissa-vihara was erected by the
31 highly respected Bodhitissa. All the heads of districts in the
Island built here and there according to their means, numerous
32 viharas and parivenas. The time of this Ruler of men con-
sisted as it were, in nothing but meritorious works; for fear
33 of prolixity they have not been fully enumerated4. Even
the foregoing form of the narrative which gives but a sur-
(EZ, II, p. 10, mote 5) identifies with this building
the Mddbiyan pirioema mentioned in the TimbiriveTO pillar inscription.
2 A bniiding in the Abliayagiri-vihira according to 45. 29.
3 Mentioned aa M&dUiyin in the Medirigiri inscription (WICKEIMA-
SINGHE, EZ. II. p. 28), afo
Ann. Rep. for 1897 (» XLIL 1904), p. 7.
* P. vte&ritam. One mast start from the meaning "explained sing-
ly (W")» analysed".46.41 AggabodU IV. SSB.,
Datta 101
vey of the most important matters1, seems to me too long-
winded2.
At another time lie had taken up his abode in Pulatthi- 34
nagara3 whither he had betaken himself, amassing a store of
meritorious works. He was attacked by an incurable disease 35
and as he saw that the time for his death had come, he called
his subjects, exhorted them to piety and went to his death. 36
When he was dead his subjects mourned all in deep grief,
performed for him on his pyre all ceremonies without fail, 37
made for themselves medicine4 from the ashes of the pyre,
then they took carefully all the royal treasures and the whole 38
army and train under their protection and betook themselves
to the town (Anuradhapura).
Thus the King went in the sixteenth year (of his reign5) 39
to Heaven, the Damila Potthakuttha administered his kingdom.
He seized the person of the TJparaja Dathasiva, had him 40
thrown into prison and ordered him to be strictly guarded6.
But as he thought: without a king it is impossible to rule the 41
earth, he fetched hither the chief of Dhanapitthi7 Datta by
1 Lit.: A general view (upalaJcManam) of the cases (or examples,
hetunam, cf. the meaning of latin causa) according to the degree of
their importance (yathdpadhdnam is used exactly like skr. yathdpradhd-
nam). W.'s translation: "inasmuch as it has been mixed up with remarks
on the nature and condition of things which lead men to good and evil"
? a free rendering rather than a translation ? misses the point.
2 Figurative in the original, the comparison with a road (ntagga)
which is overcrowded with people (akula).
s For the first time here Polonnaruva (cf. 44. 122 with note) is men-
tioned as a royal residence, though only temporarily.
* A very characteristic trait of primitive mentality,
5 The Sinhalese chronicles call the king only by his epithet Siri-
$(wgM. Pujav. and Rajiv, give him a reign of 16 years. Both chronicles
as also Rajaratn. ascribe to him the building of the Piyagal-pirivena and
of the Devnuvara(-vihara). This is Devanagara, now Dondra at the
southern point of Ceylon.
6 The guard (rakJchavarana) refers not as W* thinks, to the country,
but to the prisoner, Dathaaiva.
7 A now uninhabited village, Danpltigama, lies to the north of Ku-102
HattJiadatha
46.42
42 name, who belonged to the royal family, and consecrated him
43 king; and in his name1 lie administered the whole. Datta
erected in Dhanapitthi a vihara which was called after him
44 and heaped up other meritorious works. After living exactly
two years1* he died. But Potthakuttha after his death, sum-
45 mooed another young man, Hatthadatha who was a native
of Unfaaoagara. Him also he consecrated king and acted as
4,6 before. Having built the pracfcising-house of Kaladighavika and
performed other meritorious works, Hatthadatha fell after six
months into the power of death3.
^' When the wise have once realised how baleful are trea-
sures, wealth 'and power4 they will surely give up the desire
for royal dignity and find their whole joy solely in meritorious
works, .
Here ends the forty-sixth chapter, called uTlie Three
Kings11, in the Hahavaxnsa, compiled for the serene joy and
emotion of the pious.
ranegala in the Korale Katuvana, Ambagasse-Palata (Census of Ceylon,
II. p. 288).
1 Lit*: patting forth Ms (Datta's) name.
2 la the Sinhalese sources the king is called Valpitwdsi-dat. Pujav.
him a reign of 2, Rajav. one of 10 years. The place name Valpita
ii met with in Ceylon.
3 Is sources he is called Hunannarunyan-Dala or the like.
The of reign given him in Pujay. anil Rijav. is the same as in
the 6 months.
4 P. '^chariot" as emblem of the military power of
princes.Manavamma 103
[CHAPTER XLVIl]
After the death, of this king, Manavamma1 became ting. 1
Of what clan was he? Whose son was he? How came he to
reign a?
Now there was belonging to the line of Mahasammata and 2
bringing with him (as inheritance) the good qualities of his
clan, a son of Kassapa, the depredator of the Thuparama and
(there was also) a daughter of the Malayaraja King Samgha- 3
raana3. He wedded her and lived with her in retirement in
Uttaradesa (the Northern Province). When this affair had 4
been spied out by the prince Hatthadatha, he betook himself
to Jambudipa and sought out the ruler Narasiha, told him his 5
name and entered his service. He satisfied the Lord of men in
every way. When he felt assured of his friendly feeling, he 6
let his wife come and took up his abode there, serving (the
King) day and night. But the ruler of Kaijcjuvetbi4 who 7
1 Sinhalese documents call the king Mahala-pand.
2 Here it is again probable that the author has taken a new source
for his narrative. Of. note to 45. 37.
3 I consider the alterations of the text in the Col. Ed. bhedino for
bhojino in v. 2 and Samghfi, nam'assa rajinl instead of Samgham&nmm
rajim as inadmissible in view of the complete agreement of the MSS.
They are also unnecessary. The word bhojin has also In Skr. the meaning
of "exploiting" in an unfavourable sense, as we have to take It here.
The verses 2 and 3 a. b. are evidently a kind of title, hence the absence
of the finite verb. The name of the wife Samgha is first mentioned
in v, 8.
4 Namely Naraslha. W. says erroneously "another king, Kan^u-
vethi". The name of the territory KanduwetM over which Narasiha ruled,.
reminds one of Kanduvetti in 77. 79 used as the name of ai 04
Mdnavamma 47.8
governed the whole kingdom, well pleased with him, granted
8 him a large income. In wedlock with him his wife, Samgha
by name, bore four daughters and four sons.
9 Now once as the King was taking an airing for pleasure
on the back of his elephant, together with Manavamma, being
10 thirsty, he drank without dismounting1, a young coconut, and
passed it then to Mlnavamma whom he did not regard as his
11 equal*. Mlnavamma took it and thought: "My friend is mo-
narch here. Is there for such beings such a thing as leavings
12 in the strict sense of the word? It is right therefore if I
drink thereof". Thus he thought and drank thereof. Such
13 great efforts3 are made by those who wish for success. .The
King saw that, was alarmed, and in his turn drank what the
other had left over. This is ever the way of acting of the
14 honourable. From that time onward he made him his equal in
food and dwelling, iu equipment and means of conveyance.
15 While the two so lived (together), the Vallabha King4
16 came to make war on Naraslha. Narasiha reflected: "This
(my friend) serves me untiringly night and day in the ex-
pectation that through my service he will gain the royal
17 dignity which belongs to him by right of descent. If he were
in Southern India. It is probably a case of writing the same name in
two ways?. Hux»moH, JRAS. 1918, p. 527 has shown that Kanduvetti or
-vefM Is synonymous with Ki4avln, a designation of the Pallava kings.
Thus a Pa!!a¥a,
1 Lit.: being there (namely on the back of his elephant).
1 It is to custom to offer an equal the remains of one's own
The "not Ms equal" stands in opposition to sa"ka in
?. 14. his error and makes it good by taking the
co-
drinking what he has left.
3 la tWi the effort of self-restraint
* The ars a South Indian tribe. Their ruler is simply de-
(a* also in 54 12£} as the Vallabha. Vallabha as the name of
a alto in Skr, BAHATOE VBHXATYA EL III. 277; HU&TZSCH
p. §28} fcaa fhat 10 identical with the
I mad his enemy the Vallabha with
IL ¥lt%i wai token by Naraalha. FJ-BET
L e*f p. &»} liag the date ag A. D. 642. Cf. EL W.
Bt C-t p. 15 **i*47,31 Manavamma
105
now to march out with me and found his death in battle,
then all that he and I have planned together would be without
result." 'Pondering thus, the King let Manavamma return to. 1.8
his town (and) he himself began the war against the Vallabha
king. Manavamma thought likewise: "If this king, while I 19
am in life, falls in this war, of what value would my life
then be to me? His trust in me would have been an error 20
if I were to behave so. Why by making me his equal did
he favour me?1 Is is therefore meet that I go forth with him 21
to the battle-field; for it is happiness for me to live or die
with him here," Thus pondering, armed he mounted his fa- 22
vourite elephant, went forth and appeared before the King on
he battle-field. When Naraslha saw him he cried out full of 23
joy: "Truly I have shown him friendship2 as I was bound
to show it." Thereupon the army of Mana(vamma) and the 24
army of the King scattered the army of the Vallabha king
at their encounter. Manavamma showed his heroism, distin- 25
guishing himself by his courage like Narayana3 in the battle
of the gods. But Narasiha rejoiced over Manavamma's bravery 26
and embraced him lovingly with the words: "It is thou who
hast brought me the victory." He returned to his town, held 27
a festival of victory and showed all (honour) that was due to
Manavamma's army. Now the King thought thus: "My friend 28
has done all that was due on his part; from to-day he is
without obligation towards me. I will now also discharge my 29
debt by doing on my part what is due; for grateful people
who remember what has been done for them are very hard
to find." He assembled the dignitaries and spake these words: 30
"Ye are witnesses of the deeds of this my friend. I also must 31
1 He has favoured rne in the expectation that I might help him in
his dlfficolties.
2 The ace. samtJiavam is governed by oho. I now see that he was
worthy of what I have done him.
3 As Indra-Sakka is otherwise always considered as the protagonist
of the Gods in the battle against the asuras or demons, we must take
Narayana here to be one of his names. In a passage of the Samyutta
commentary (ed. Gal. p. 27922) the strength of the chaddanta elephants,
elephants with 6 tusks, is described as N&r&yana-balam.106
Manavamma 47.32
now show him all the love and happiness which are his due.
A return service for him wlio has earlier rendered us a ser-
32 vice is tlie duty of the pious." At these words the dignitaries
answered the Ruler: "Whatsoever the King wishes finds favour
33 with us." Thereupon the Sovereign gave Manavamma an army
with the attendant train and the whole equipment and all the
34 necessary servants and spake to him: go forth then, and as
he gazed after him as he marched forth with the army, lie wept
35 as for a son that goes to a far country. Manavamma embarked in
the vessels at the sea-coast and arrived quickly, after he had
36 with speedy voyage crossed the sea1 and penetrated into
Laiikadipa with his army laying waste. At tidings of this
37 King Dathopatissa fled. Manavamma came into the town
(Anuradhapura) and without taking over the sovereignty2, he
38 arose and pursued closely the fugitive (Dathopatissa). Then
the Damila army heard that its Lord (Narasiha) was smitten
39 with a fell disease. On these tidings it departed. When
Dathopatissa heard that, he marched with a strong force
40 against Manavamma and began the fight. Manavamma thought:
"My whole army has gone; if I fall3 then the wish of my
41 foe is fulfilled; I shall betake myself therefore to Jambudlpa
to fetch troops there and recover the dominion." Therefore
42 he did so. He departed, sought again his friend Narasiha,
43 and cleverly satisfying him, he served him heedfully. During
the reigns of four kings* Manavamma stayed there. Then
ISTarasfha thought: "With pride unbroken, finding in honour
44 his wealth, my friend serves me for the sake of the royal
1 The tarn in 35 d must be supplemented by jaladhim from jaladhl-
tate in b.
2 P. ahutcfi i'® ndrddhipo. What is meant is that he wasted no time
in performing the ceremonies of abMseka connected with, the solemn
ascent of the throne* Cf. 48. 26.
3 P. mate mama. Here the gen. mama takes the place of the loc.
mayL See Culavs. ed. I, Introd. p. XVI.
4 These were the kings DI|hopatisaa II., his enemy in his unsuccessful
attempt to seize the throne, as described v. 35?41, further Aggabodhi
IT., Patta and Hattimdlpia.47.59
Manavamma 107
dignity and will become old and grey-headed thereby. How
can I when I see this, exercise dominion? If I cannot at 45
this time by sending forth my troops, gain the kingdom1 for
him of what use is my life to me? Having so pondered, he 46
collected his army, equipped it with what was needful, gave
it (the pay) it demanded, marched himself at its head to the 47
sea-coast, had numerous strong ships of different shape built
here and spake to the dignitaries: "Go ye with this man 48
here." But all the people there refused to go on board. Then 49
Narasiha reflected, hid himself, but gave his own armour,
known everywhere as badge of the King, and all his own 50
ornaments to Maoavamma, told him to embark and said: "Go
thou and when thou art at sea have this drum called Kottha 51
sounded." He did all this. But the people in the belief it
was their king who was going forth, went on board and left 52
the Ruler of men alone behind. Mana(vamma) began the
voyage with the army. The whole ocean was as a (floating) 53
town. Having reached the port he landed with his army,
remained there a few days that his troops might rest, took 54
Uttaradesa (the North Province), brought the inhabitants into
his power and began with his invincible great army to march 55
on the town. When Potthakuttha2 heard this he advanced
against him with a large force. The two armies clashed with 56
each other like seas that have burst their bounds. Manavamma
who fully armed had mounted his elephant, separated Pottha- 57
kuttha and the King and put them to flight. When the people
in the country saw Hatthadatha fleeing, they seized his head 58
and showed it to Manavamma. Potthakuttha fleeing reached
Merukandara3. When the chief (of the district) saw him there 59
he thought: uHe has been for long my friend; therefore when
1 The words imasmim pana, varasmim as far as na gdhessami form
a conditional introductory sentence without a conjunction. Such condi-
tional sentences occur also in Skr. See SPEYEE, Vedische und Sanskrit-
Syntax, § 283. W.'s translation goes to pieces on the negative na.
3 He carried on the government for Hatthadatha who was nominally
king, according to 46. 44 ff.
- * See note to 41. 19.108 Manavamma
47.60
he, In his need, takes refuge with me I must not desert him.
CO But how can I towards these two, my master and my friend,
remain free from blame?1' and he ate poisoned cake and died.
61 Potthakuttha ate of the cake with him and died likewise.
Thus for Manavamma the Island was freed of the hriers (of
enemies).
62 From that time Manavamma set up in the Island the um-
brella (of his dominion) warding off therewith as it were, all
63 harm from the inhabitants of the Island. He performed many
inestimable meritorious works; what man would be able to
64 enumerate these in their order? After founding two villages,
he the excellent one erected in the Padhanarakkha(-vihara)
65 (of the one) the pasada called Sepa$$i and in the Sirisamgha-
bodhi(-vihara) (of the other) the blissgiving (pasada) Sin. He
roofed over the Lohapasada as well as the temple in the Thu-
66 parama. After he had built a pasada in the Thuparaoia, he
made it over to the Pamsukulins1..........
1 P. pamsuhulin denotes ascetic bhikkhus who only wore garments
made of rags (pamsuMla) patched together. In Ceylon the word has
without doubt come to designate a particular sect whose members were
pledged to the observance described above. According to 51. 52 the
Pamsukulins belonged up to the time of Sena II. to the congregation
of the Abhayagiri-vihara, when however, they seceded and formed a
special group of their own.
The MSS. are here all badly mutilated. Only the MS. of the Co-
lombo Museum tested by me on the spot, gives a text at all capable
of translation (Of. Culavs* ed., vol. IL Introd. p. II): uAfter building
a pasada in the Thuparama, he made it over to the Pamsukulins.
What was decayed he restored, after providing that the vihara
could be easily supplied with (the four) necessaries. He even
restored the umbrella on the decayed temple and he also granted
to the adherents of the Dhaxnmaruci (sect) the Eajinidlpa-vihara."
It seems to me beyond a doubt that we have here an attempt at
emendation on the part of the copyist. The Col. Ed. also tries to
restore at least v, 66. The text should be translated thus:
"After(Manavamma) 109
he had built a pasada in the Thuparama, he handed it over to the
Pamsukulins. He repaired the decayed umbrella on the top of the
cetiya; and he also restored numerous shrines which had fallen into
decay."
Then too the Sinhalese sources name as successor of Manavamma
(Mahalapano) an Aggabodhi (Akbo). According to Pujav. and Rajav.
he was the son of Manavamma to whom, it is true, they ascribe
the reign of 35 years, including no doubt the time of his sejourn
in India, while Akbo is said to have reigned 6 years. Also in Mhvs.
57. 25 an Aggabodhi is named as eldest son of Manavamma.
Now as the signature of our chapter describes it as the 48th,
a 47th would therefore be entirely absent. Thus S. and B. have
assumed that there is a gap in our MSS. The missing part should
have contained as conclusion of chapter 47, the end of the reign of
Manavamma and in the new chapter 48 the beginning of the reign
of Aggabodhi V, the further course of which is described in the
19 verses which have been preserved. A gap might be explained by
the loss of a leaf out of the archetype.
I have adopted this assumption in my edition and translation,
must insist however, that the arguments taken singly are not com-
pelling. That the Sinhalese chronicles insert a king who does not
occur in the Culavamsa we have already seen (s. note to 41. 102).
Yet on the other hand, the mention of Aggabodhi in 57. 25 must be
taken into account. The absence of the chapter number 47 is also
not decisive. Numbers 40 and 43 are also wanting without any gap
being noticeable in the account of events. It is therefore not im-
possible that it is merely a case of the mutilation of single verses.
The assumption of the loss of a leaf would in. the first instance
only explain a gap, it would not explain the mutilation of the text
after v. 66. It is however, the combination of the two first
arguments which make the assumption of a gap probable and
the probability is perhaps strengthened by the fact that just at the
place where the gap might have to be assumed, the text of the
MSS. is in disorder.110 (Aggabodhi V)
CHAPTER XLVIII
THE SIX KINGS
1 ..... After he had made thereof a mansion for which the
necessaries could easily be provided, he also presented the
Rajinldipika(-vihara) to the bhikkhus of the Dhammaruci
2 School. After building the Mahanettapadika cells (for dwel-
ling in), he granted to the same (Dhainmarucis) the village
3 of Devatissa in (the district of) Ko^tbavata. In Mahathala he
built (the vihara) called Kadambagona, further in Devapali
4 the (vihara) called Gririnagara, in Antarasobbha the Deva-vihara,
further he built the Rajamatika monastery and gave it1 to
5 the Pamsukulins2. In the Gokawaka-vihara3 he erected a
practising-house and the ruined temple of the Vaddhamana
6 Bodhi Tree4 he had restored. In the vihara called Samghamitta
and elsewhere he, the highly-famed, had here and there new
7 works undertaken on the viharas. At a cost of six and twenty
thousand gold pieces5 he restored whatever had fallen into
8 decay on the Oetiyapabbata. Having restored the Talavatthu-
1 It is possible that besides Rajamatikam drdmam as object add
^hould receive the names of all the viharas mentioned in v. 3 and 4.
2 Of the localities mentioned in v. 2-4 Antarasobbha alone is men-
tioned in Mhvs. 25. 11 as a district- Instead of Kotthavata CoL ed.
reads Kokavata which occurs 37, 42 and 47 as the name of a village
and of a tank built by Mahisena (4th c. A. D.). The MSS. however, give
no authority for this reading. Mahathala is probably the present
Mat ale (north of Kandy) (Thus W. in Index s. v.). For the Pamsukulins
s. note to 47, 66.
* Built by Mahasena according to Mhvs. 37. 41.
* Of. below 49.15. Like the images of the Buddha, the Bodhi trees
had their special names.
s P. sutanqa* In Skr. smama is a weight = fayrsa. This is accor-
ding to BE. s= 11,375 gr. This would give an expenditure of over £
40,000
according to the present value of gold.48.19
(AggabodU F) 111
vibara he granted (the village of) Pawabhatta to the vihara
called after the Ruler of men Mahasena1. The Go^diganiika 9
tank which had burst he dammed up as before and to all
living beings he gave as a gift whatever they needed. The 10
Uposatha day he observed with fasting together with the in-
habitants of the Island, and preached to them the doctrine
in order to procure them spiritual happiness. Everyone in his 11
kingdom cultivated action which leads to Heaven, for as the
monarch acts so do also his subjects. Therefore should a wise 12
king ever practise piety; in every place where men dwell2
he will become renowned and finally, surrounded by his com- 13
panions, he enters Nirvana. Therefore the prudent man should
contemplate that which is for his good and for that of others.
For if all the subjects attain good discipline through an in- ^4
dividual who himself has good discipline, how could a discerning
man let such an one come to harm?3 No means for bringing 15
to beings happiness in both worlds was left untried by him
who was unflagging day and night. The fine garments worn 16
by himself he gave to the Pamsukulin bhikkhus as raiment.
The employment (of officials) in wrong places, undeserved fa- 17
vour or unlawful seizure (of property) was unknown with him.
To all creatures he gave the nourishment by which each of 18
them live, and whatever makes them happy with that lie
blessed them. Thus after the Ruler of men had performed 19.
meritorious works for six years4 he, the peace-maker went
(to the Heaven of) the King of the gods5.
1 As neither Talavatthu nor Pannabhatta are otherwise men-
tioned it is difficult to understand rightly the sense of this passage. It
seems to me that Talavatthu was an older monastery which Aggabodhi
restored and to which he granted a village, afterwards giving it the
name of Mahasena by whom perhaps the older structure had been built.
A Buddha image in the Mahasena monastery is mentioned in 51. 76.
2 P. nivutthanivMhamhi thftne, lit. "in each inhabited place" applied
by W. to the King "wheresoever he may dwell", which is also possible.
3 The meaning seems to be this: it lies in his own interest to edu-
cate his people to piety by his own example, as this assures his own
safety. He will have all the right-minded on his side.
* The same length of reign in Pojav, and Rijav.
5 That is to the heaven of the Tavatimsi gods at whose head stantls
the King of the gods, Sakka-Indra.? 112 Eassapa
III, MaUnda I . 48.20
20 Now his brother next in age, the prince Kassapa, became
king, well qualified for the royal burden1, for taking it over
21 according to ancient custom. As a father (wins) his son, so
he won his people by generosity, by friendly speech and by
22 care for their welfare. Offices he bestowed on various people
according to merit and he himself enjoyed the pleasures of
23 life, free from all sorrow. For laymen, bhikkhus and brah-
ma$as the prince encouraged the way of life fitting for each
24 and carried out the command to kill no living creature. The
25 two Macchatitthas2, the mansion Heligama, the monastery
Va#ijagama, as well as Kassapagiri; further the superb prac-
tising-house called Ambavana, maintenance village3 ....
26 Amongst them all the youngest was the prince called
Ma hind a. When the royal dignity came to him he was yet
27 not king*, although he bore the burden of the kingdom. He
had a friend by name Mia, with whom he had for long had
intimate intercourse. But he had died beforehand. In memory
28 of him he would not have it5. Alas! even the dominion over
the Island he deemed not blissful, since his friend was wan-
29 ting. Friends are so hard to get, Hence the Sage (Buddha)
1 I believe that rajaJbharassa, (or rajja0) is directly governed by sa-
mattho. In Skr. in the same way with samartha the thing for which
one is qualified may stand in the loc. or the dative. Bharassa would
correspond to both. Instead of pubbavuttino I should prefer to read
pubbavuUito, adverbial ablative,
2 Inscriptional Mmtota in an inscription of Mahinda IY. WICKBE-
MASINGHE, EZ. I. 216, 221, 227.
3 Here again there is a gap in the recorded test. Of the MSS. with
which I am acquainted one, at least, indicates this by leaving a space
free for about 4*/* Hokas. The finite verb is missing for the objects in
YV. 24, 25. The missing verses must have contained the end of the
reign of Kassapa III. According to Pujav. and Bajav. he reigned 7 years.
Both sotireet m well as Eijaratn. mention the building of the Helagam-
parive^a* Of the other names which are mentioned above, Kassa-
pagiri alone occurs again (44, 88),
* P. r4/a, see note to 47, 87.
& Namely the festivities connected with the48.38
Mahinda I 113
hath said1: "All worldly things and all spiritual things which
lead to Nirvana, these all are the lot of beings who have asso- 30
ciated with a staunch friend; therefore must one ever strive after
(gaining) staunch friends." Only as Adipada2 he administered 31
the kingdom to protect as it were, during his life, living
beings on the Island. On Aggabodhi, the son of his brother 32
Kassapa he conferred the dignity of TJparaja and gave him
abundant revenues. He assigned him (the Eastern Province) Pa- 33
cmadesa and sent him forth to take up his abode therein. (The
province of) Dakkhi$adesa the King ga^e to his own son3.
To the Mahapali. Hall, he gave an offering of ten cart-loads 34
and beggars he provided with luxuries like his own. He ate 35
nothing without first having given to the beggars, and if
without thinking of it, he had eaten, he used to give them
double of what he had himself enjoyed. For the bhikkhunis 36
he built an abode which was called after himself and granted
them as convent boundary4 (the village of) Nagaragalla. He 37
built the Mahindata^a monastery5, provided it with the four
necessaries and performed many another meritorious work,
rejoicing at the worth of such works. After the discerning 38
(prince) had reigned in this way for three years6, he seeking
his friend, entered into the world of the gods.
1 The Jcalyanamittd are often praised in the Canon. It seems to
me that this passage is an allusion to Samyutta 3. 18 (== I, p. 88) where
the Buddha after a eulogy of the kalydnamittatd, says of himself:
mamam Mr Ananda, "kalydnamittam dgamma (cf. v. 30a!) jatidhammd
sattd jdtiyd parimuccanti etc. The passage occurs once again Samy.
45, 2 (= V, p. 3), 2 See note to 41. 35.
3 Who likewise bore the name Aggabodhi, (See v. 89). W.'s "the
southern country (only)1' gives a wrong shade of meaning to the con-
text. The bestowal of Dakkhlnadesa was in no sense a slight. It was
just this province which' was reserved for the heir apparent.
4 W. takes afdmamariyddaka as the name of another village,
5 The MaMndaiata tank had already been built by Aggabodhi I and
given this name in honour of the Thera Mahinda who converted the
Island to Buddhism. See 42. 29.
' ?
6 The Sinhalese sources call this king Midelpana or Midel only.
The name is missing in the Nik.-s.; Pujav, and BajaV. give him a reign
of three years like the CSlavs.
' '?' . . ? 8 ? :114
AggabodU VL SMV.
48,39
39 Now Prince Aggabodhi (son of Mahinda) who dwelt in
Dakkhinadesa, tad for some reason or other come to the ca-
40 pitaL While he sojourned there the Adipada Mahinda died;
41 thus the kingly power came into his hands. After taking
possession of it and securing it he sent a message1 to Agga-
42 bodhi, the Governor of Pacmadesa. He came hither and be-
came king under the name of Silamegha2. The dignity of
Uparaja the monarch conferred on the Prince (Aggahodhi of
48 Dakkhinadesa). The latter entreated the King thus: free
thyself from the burden of cares and enjoy life's pleasures,
44 and administered the government himself. As was meet, he
treated his subjects with severity and clemency and all un-
disciplined people on the Island the discerning one brought
45 on to the right path. While the twain lived thus, the evil-
minded found no opportunity for interfering, and they thought:
46 the twain must be estranged. They went to the King and
spake slanderously to him in secret: "Thou art King in name,
47 in reality the other is king; the Uparaja will take the royal
dignity for himself; the people he has already won over; in
a short time he will be king, of that there can be HO doubt."
48 When the Monarch heard that he fell out with the Prince
and the Prince when he noticed that, became a rebel against
49 the King. He fled to his province, won over the inhabitants
50 and with mighty forces began the war. At Kadalinivata3 a
1 A message to the effect that everything is ready for him to take
over the government. As Aggabodhi of Pacmadesa is a son of the
eider brother Kassapa, he is according to Sinhalese law, the legal suc-
cessor of Mahinda. Mahinda's son Aggabodhi willingly recognises this.
2 S STL VAIN Lim (Journ. Asiatique, May-June, 1900, p. 418; cf. JRAS.
Ceyl. Br. XXIV, Nr. 68, 1915-16, p. 87 ff.) communicates a Chinese account
according to which an Indian monk, Vajrabodhi, on the way to India
touches at Ceylon where he is invited by the king Chi-li-Chi-lo
(i. e. Siri-Sila). S. L*vi identifies this king with Manavamma (see 47.1
ff.),
but E. R. AYBTON (Ceylon Notes and Queries II. Jan. 1914, p. XXVII ff.)
probably more correctly, with Aggabodhi VI. Silimegha.
3 Must be situated according to 44. 6, on the line of march from
Dakkhinadesa, (more exactly from Mahagalla, not far from the present
Nikaveratiya) to Annradhapura.48.63 Aggdbodhi VL
SMV. 115
bitter fight took place. The Prince suffered a defeat and be-
took himself to Malaya. Later the King thought gratefully 51
of his cousin's support1, of the transference of the royal dignity
and the rest and grieved quite openly. The Prince too on 52
hearing this, became conciliatory. So they let each other
know how they loved one another. The King betook himself 58
quite alone to Malaya, took the prince with him and returned
to his capital......^ he married him to his daughter 54
Sarpgha by name. While he lived with her in intimate inter- 55
course with the King, he (once) angered at some fault or
other, struck her a blow. She went to her father and wept 56
before him bitterly. "Without reason the husband thou
gavest me kills me." Scarcely had the King heard this than 57
he thought: of a truth I have done wrong, sent her at once
to a home for bhikkhunis and made her undergo the ceremony
of world renunciation. Now the son of her maternal uncle, 58
Aggabodhi by name, whose heart had been long filled with
love for her, thought this was a favourable time to flee with 59
her, seized her secretly and betook himself alone (with her)
to Rohana. The Ruler of men Aggabodhi took (his cousin) 60
Aggabodhi with him and betook himself with him to Rohana
to slay (the seducer) Aggabodhi. (The TJparaja) Aggabodhi 61
made his cousin (the King) Aggabodhi halt3, and went him-
self to the western, mountains4 so slay (the seducer) Aggabodhi.
When at the head of a great army he had brought the whole 62
of Rohana into his power, he delivered battle and seized him
and his own wife Samgha. From that time onward the three 68
1 Lit. "of his brother". As the father's brother is called father, so
ilia sons of brothers are brothers.
2 The line a b of v. 54 is defective In all the MSS. I propose to
complete It thus: hoti nissammyam dhlro iti tultho atlva so "with the
thought: he is no doubt firm, he, being highly pleased, gave him Ac.
niaidapetvd. Of. Culavs. ed. Introd. p. XIV.
4 The western mountains of Rohana are probably the not incon-
siderable mountain range rising south-east of Ratnapura which reaches
ite greatest height (over 3000 ft.) to the south of Rakvaua where it is
erossed by the Bulutota Pass.116 Aggdbodhi
VII 48.64
lived happily and in harmony in mutual intimate intercourse
64 at their ease. The King built the Vaparani monastery and
the Managgahodhi monastery, further the Sabhattudesahhoga
65 in the Abhayuttara-vihara as well as pasadas in the viharas
Hatthikucchi1 and Punapitthi, in the Mahaparivena2 and in
66 Vahadipa3. In the Thuparama he restored the damaged doors
of the temple as they were before and transposed the pillars*
67 therein. After performing these and other meritorious works
according to his power, he passed away in the fortieth year
of his reign according to his doing5.
68 Thereupon the Uparaja Aggabodhi, the fortunate, became
69 king, son of the wise Adipada Mahinda. To the Order and
to the laity he showed favour according to merit. With the
70 dignity of Uparaja he invested his own son Mahinda. The
ruined temple of the great Bodhi Tree he built anew and so-
lidly; he also built two monasteries: Kalanda and Mallavata.
71 By legal acts he carefully reformed the Order of the Conqueror
(Buddha) and judging according to justice, he rooted out un-
72 just judges. He himself studied the medicinal plants over
1 See note to 42. 21. 2 See note to 42. 26.
3 Mentioned again 49. 33 under Ddaya I and 49. 76, along with the
Hatthikucehi-vihara, under Bappula II.
4 It seems to me that what is meant by the temple (geha) of the
Thuparama is the superstructure of the cetiya. What makes this likely
is the mention of the pillars which were re-arranged by the King. The
pillars which surround the thupa in foar rows are in the Thuparama
(as also in the Lankarama cetiya) still partially preserved. They were
intended to support the roof which was of wood. Cf. for plan SMITHES
Architectural Remains, Anur&dhaptira, p. 4ff. Such superstructures are
described as eetiya- or thupa-ghar&m or -gehani analogous to the bodhi-
ghar&t- or -geh&nt. SMITHKE doubts it is true, whether the pillars at the
ThUparama cetiya could have borne such a structure, while PABKJSR
(Ancient Ceylon p. 270) ,qnite admits the possibility. The custom of
building over a eefciya Is even to-day not unknown. I myself saw an
Interesting example In the Badumtitava monastery at Nikayeratiya
which I waited on the 20 & April 1026 in the company of the Archaeo-
logical Commissioner Mr. A- M, Hocuurc. The term thnpagham Is In-
separable from that of {*. note to 38. 48),
5 Pfljfiv. and RSjiv. also give King Akbo a reign of 40 years.48.79
Aggabodhi VII
117
the whole island of Lanka (to find out) whether they were
wholesome or harmful1 for the sick. He had rice by allot- 73
ment2 distributed to the inmates of the three fraternities
and delicious foods fitting for himself, to the Pamsukulins.
The King, having thus with unrestricted royal power, per- 74
formed these and other meritorious works, died after six years
just as he was sojourning in Pulatthinagara3.
Formerly Aggabodhi had a son; he had died as Yuvaraja. 75
Since then no son existed as heir to the throne4. There was 76
however a son of the King Silamegha5 by name Mahinda,
fitted for the royal dignity, rich in merit, capable of winning
the people for himself. On the day of his birth the King 77
(Silamegha) consulted the astrologers and when he heard their
answer that the boy was fitted for the royal dignity, he gave 78
them plenty of money and kept the matter a secret. But when
he grew up he made him his senapati. He gave the entire 79
government into his hands6 and as independent ruler the
discerning (prince) fulfilled the royal duties in a just way7.
1 W. gives an entirely different rendering. He separates mangalam
cavamangalam from bhesctjjam and translates: "ordained the form and
manner of holding festivities and funerals". There is no verb in the
text corresponding to "ordained*1. All the accusatives are governed by
vicarayi. But if mangalam cavamafigalam meant what W. assumes, the
objects to be tested by the King would still have been very hetero-
geneous and the combination of in. cdvam. with bhesajjam very amazing.
2 S. GUILDERS, Pali Diet. s. v. salakd: "Food belonging to the collec-
tive sangha of a monastery was sometimes distributed to the monks by
tickets called saldkd, and consisting of slips of wood, bark, bamboo,
talipot leaf or other similar material. Pood so distributed was called
sdldJsabhattam, "ticket-food" ... Similar tickets seem to have been issued
by private persons, like our soup-tickets".
3 The same number in Pujav. and Rajiv, Pulatthinagara is here again
a temporary royal residence as in 46. 34.
4 Lit.: The kingdom was sonless. Yuvaraja is here used of Mahinda
as upar^ju above in v. 69.
5 I. e. Aggabodhi VI. Of. above v. 42.
6 This happened evidently at the time when Aggabodhi VI. was in
conflict with Ms Uparaja, afterwards King Aggabodhi VII. Of, above v. 43
ff.
7 We have here one of these cases where in the course of a sentence
the subject changes the gerund being used in the sense of a Loc. aba.118
Mahinda II
48.80
80 Therefore when (King Silamegha) died, he as clever statesman1
took not the dignity of senapati from the hand of his suc-
81 cessor Aggabodhi (VII), (On the contrary) at that time he
betook himself with some kind of commission from the King
to the sea-coast and took up his abode in the seaport of
82 Mahatittha2. When he heard here of the death of his uncle3
he came hither in haste (fearing) rebels might seize the king-
dom and destroy it.
83 Then in (the Northern Province) Uttaradesa the chiefs of
districts together with the dwellers in the province seized the
84 land by force and refused tribute to the King4. At the ti-
dings of this Mahinda advanced with a great army to Uttara-
desa, crushed all the chiefs of districts together with the
85 dwellers in the province, betook himself then to the spot
where the King had died, sought out the Queen, wept (with
her), comforted her according to the circumstances of the time,
86 and spake the following words: "Grieve not, Great Queen, that
thy husband is dead. I will shelter the Island, thou mayest
87 keep the royal dignity.1' By her silence she seemed to assent;
in secret the crafty one took measures to slay him, as she
88 wanted to live in her own way. When the Senapati (Mahinda)
found this out, he had her watched and put her adherents,
89 a great number of people, to flight in combat. Then he had
the Queen put into fetters and brought in a chariot, took her
(See note to 39.26). Aggabodhi is subject of katva in 78 b and katvdna
in 79 a. With so in 79 c Mahinda is meant. W. gets out of the diffi-
culty by apparently separating sayanicast into s&yam va$i and trans-
lating "he lived (without care and anxiety)". But for this interpretation
there are no corresponding words in the text for those which the trans-
lator has put in brackets.
1 P. nayannu. One can perhaps see in such expressions the influence
of the Indian Nlti-literature. Of. yatMnayam below in v. 96.
2 Now Mantai or Mantota not fax from Mannar. It is already men-
tioned in Vijaya's time (Mhvs. 7. 58} m tke place where settlers from
the Indian mainland land.
3 P. et#apft«n0, Hi: of Ms little fother. His grand-father and the
father of AggabodM VII. were brothers. Of. note to 5U 24.
4 IiiL: they made the country into' one where the King's taxes were cut
off.48.100 Mahinda II
119
with, him to the capital and seized the royal power together
with the (royal) treasure1.
Now there was also a sister's son of King Silamegha called 90
Dappula, an adipada who had at his disposal a large army
and considerable means. He sojourning in Kalavapi, collected 91
his army and advanced to the neighbourhood of Sangagama
to begin the war2. At the tidings of these events the Sena- 92
pati marched in haste thither, at the head of his army, taking
the Queen with him. A terrible battle took place there be- 93
tween the two. When the Adipada saw his army falling back
he took flight and escaped with his army into the mountains3. 94
After the Senapati had put him to flight there, he lived
happily.
When the district chiefs of Uttaradesa heard that the ea- 95
pital was unoccupied they all came together and took the
town. But the Senapati, a hero of indomitable courage, chased 96
them away again, entered the town himself and administered
the government according to the rules of statecraft*. For the 97
bhikkhu community, for the laity, for fishes, game and birds,
for his kinsfolk and for the troops he did everything that was
meet for them. Later on Dappula who was in Malaya, brought 98
together a reserve army. He summoned his two sister's sons
from Roha$a and taking all the inhabitants of the province 99
with him, he reached the town with a great army at night
time and broke over it like the ocean. The troops encom- 100
1 See 39. 28; 41. 20.
2 As bhagineyya of Aggabodhi VI. he held that he was the legal
.heir before Ag-gabodhi's son Mahinda. The same view is taken by
Dappula's brothers (see v. 116) who believe themselves entitled to the
crown after him.
3 According to the Col. Ed. one should translate: "he climbed with
his train the Acchasela mountain". This name does not occur in any
of the MSS. with which I am acquainted. The majority have simply
paX-dyitvdnamdruhittha savdkano. Two MSS. insert saseno before savd-
hano, evidently a gloss to this word. The object of drultittha is every-
where missing, I have. supplied It according to the sense. Perhaps one
should .read Malay am so savdhano.
4 See note to 48. 80.120 Mahinda II
48.101
passed the town with clangour on all sides. With the neighing
101 of the steeds, the trumpeting of the elephants, the rattle of
the drums with their rhythmic sound1 and the battle cries of
the warriors the firmament was at that time near to bursting.
102 When the Senapati saw the great army he was light-hearted
and informed his own troops of the matter with the words:
103 "Three king's sons have shut in our town with a great force:
104 what must ye then do?" Thus addressed, these warlike heroes
answered: "On a day when they have not served their king
105 there is for his servants no life2. If at such a time as this
we were from love of life to flinch, for what then had our
master maintained us for so long a time for our well-being?"
106 At these words Mahinda full of confidence, placed his army
in readiness at night and at daybreak mounted his tried ele-
107 pliant, broke through a gate like a downruslling thunderbolt,
and began with his thousand warriors the irresistible combat.
108 After scattering the troops of the Adipada in all directions,
he gathered (his people) together at one spot and proclaimed
109 a truce3. The Adipada Dappula already vanquished at early
morning, fled with those who had escaped the slaughter to
1 Talavacarasadddnam is adjective attribute to kdfudanam.
2 The manuscript reading devasevddine (= deva-aseva-dine) alone gives
the right sense: only when their whole life is absorbed in service of
their king do his servants wholly fulfil their duty, W.'s translation
"from the day that your servants entered your service, their lives have
they given unto you" is impossible. It is made so by the loc. dine and
by the negation in sevakanam na jwitatn which was simply not taken
into account. In any case one would have to translate "their life be-
longs to his servants no longer". Even then the difficulty with dine.
remains, it cannot possibly mean "from the day".
3 P. niyattim sampavedayi. The word niyatti is otherwise unknown.
It is derived from the root yat with «tt which probably means "to
unyoke
(the horses), to rest". Also in the single passage in the Rigveda (I.
186. 11), where the verb occurs, it seems to me to have this meaning".
I should be inclined to translate «t ya devesu ydtabe vasuyur by "that
(namely our supplication) which prays for good enters into (the abode
of) the Gods". GELDXKR, Eigveda L 241: "that.....aspires to the
Gods". The idea is that Mahinda to prevent further bloodshed, forbids
the pursuit of the enemy.48.120 Mahinda II
121
Rohaga. But the two princes wlio had some time before come 110
from Rohaija, MaHnda captured alive and took with, liim to
the capital. The hero who had thus gained the victory, now 111
that the Island was at peace, sent his army forth to subdue
(the East Province) Paclnadesa. They marched into the pro- 112
vince and also into (the North Province) Uttaradesa, subdued
them in a short time and brought over a large force to their
side. The King1 however, made the Great Queen his consort, 113
as he thought she could neither be set free nor slain2. In 114
consequence of their intercourse she became with child and
brought forth a splendid son who bore3 on him the signs of
(former) merit. After that she was very dear to the King 115
who granted his son the dignity of uparaja with the (cor-
responding) revenues.
When the two Adipadas who were in Paclnadesa heard 116
of this they said to each other: that is our undoing. They
raised an army from both their provinces and large sums of 117
money, then summoned their brother (Dappula) from Roha$a,
made with him a treaty and took up a position with large
forces on the bank of the (Mahavaluka-)Ganga. When the King
heard all that he brought the district chiefs here and there 119
(by kindly speech) over to his side, imprisoned the obdurate
and also had a few executed. He appointed a guard in the
town, decreed exactly what was to be done and with a large 120
army and taking the Mahesi with him, he occupied an armed
1 It is not by chance that the royal title is here for the first time
awarded to Mahinda. At the beginning of the campaign against Dappula
(v, 102) he was still called Senapati. Probably he only underwent the
ceremony of consecration (abhiseka) after his marriage with the widow
of his predecessor, as a queen must also take part therein.
2 By her marriage with the King this woman who was Inclined to
intrigue (v. 87) Is kept under his supervision and Influence, without the
necessity of force being used against her. That distrust of the Queen
still existed is shown by v. 120.
3 P. punnalaMhanasamyutam. The marks on the boy established by
the soothsayers point to a favourable Jcamma, to the boy having accu-
mulated abundant merit In former existences, so that he is called to
greatness in this new existence.122
Mahinda II 48.121
121 camp at the village of Mahummara. When tlie three Adipadas
had knowledge of Ms advance they began a great battle at
122 Kovilaragama. But the King with his strong army destroyed
their forces. Dappula fled, the two Adipadas fell.
123 Here also again victorious, the Monarch returned to the
capital; he practised the royal duties and instituted a great
124 almsgiving. For the great Bodhi Tree, that prince of trees,
for the three great cetiyas and for. the relics he, full of re-
125 Terence, instituted a great offering, Dappula who had betaken
himself to Koha^a, arriving there, raised troops to fight anew
126 against the King. The King (wishing) to bring order into
the land for his children and his children's children assembled
127 in the ThSparama all the bhikkhus and other wise persons
who knew what is seemly and what is unseemly ? he who
was versed in all the duties of a king, they who were learned
128 in statecraft. He informed them of the events, and after de-
creeing everywhere what was to be done throughout the Is-
129 land and in the capital, he with their consent set out with
a great army consisting of the four members1, and provided
with all resources, and came within a short time to the Mara
130 mountains3. He laid waste the country and immediately there-
after ascended the mountains. When they saw that in Roha$a
131 they yielded themselves through fear. Hereupon the haughty3
one made a treaty with Dappula. He received from his hands
132 elephants, steeds and jewels, decreed the Galhaganga4 as the
1 The four angami of an army are the elephants, the chariot fighters,
the riders and the infantry.
2 A Maragpala (probably = Maragallaka in 55. 26) is situated east of
Madampe in the Atakalan Korale of the province of Batnapura, Meda-
pattu. If we can associate our Marapabbata with this, Mahinda II most
have pushed against Rohana from the N. W. (Ratnapura?Pelmadulla?
Madampe). The mountains he ascended would be the range to the South
of Bakmua with the Bulntota Pass.
8 P. sadappaka contains a pnn on Dappnla's name.
* The MS& undoubtedly point to this reading* The name Gilhaganga
is laaweyer, otherwise unknown. One might take it for a name of the
Mahaveliganga since or&$anga "land on this side of the Gangl" is al-
ways used of the territory on the left bank of this stream. In this48. 140
Mahinda II
boundary of the rulers of Roha$a and kept the land on this
side of the river for himself, making thereof royal property.
Thus had the powerful (prince) freed the Island from all 133
briers1, as sole monarch he entered the capital and lived
therein happily. The mighty King founded the Damavibara- 134
parivena and the Sanniratittha(-vihara) in Pulatthinagara. In 135
the Abhayagiri he erected the Mahalekha-parivena.^ Then the
wealthy (prince) having built at a cost of three hundred thou-
sand (kahapanas) the superb, many-storeyed Ratanapasada2, 136
like a second Vejayanta3, and having at a cost of sixty thou-
sand (kahapanas) had made of pure gold an image of the 137
Master, furnished with a costly diadem of jewels, he held
with all pomp a magnificent dedicatory festival for the 138
consecration of the Pasada, and dedicated (to the Buddha)
thereby his whole kingdom4. He also had a splendid Bodhi- 139
satta5 made of silver and placed the beautiful (statue) in the
Silamegha6 home for bhikkhunis. In the Thuparama he made 140
a gold casing of the thupa and for the sake of diversity he
treaty the Mahaveliganga would then be fixed for the first time as the
boundary between Rohana and the territory immediately belonging to
the king, being always held as such later on. The Col. Ed. reads Gal-
JiaWiogam.
1 See note to 42. 14.
2 A. M, HOCART supposes the Ratanapasada to be the very con-
siderable building known by tradition as the "Elephant Stables" whose
ruins lie to the west, not far from the Abhayagiri Thupa (Northern
Thupa), Memoirs ASC. I (1924), p. 1 ff. According to the Mahavs. it was
built by Kanitthatissa (223?241 A. D.) for the Thera Mahanaga who
lived in the Bhutarama. It is, however, interesting that in the building
which according to HQCART'S discovery, lay below the later structure,
there was an inscription belonging to Gajabahu I. (171?193 A. D.) Ma-
hinda II. evidently rebuilt the pasada of Kanitthatissa. A Buvan-
Mcdtapaha is mentioned in an inscription of Mahinda IV. WICKRE-
MASIJCGHB, EZ. L 215, 218, 226.
3 Skr. Vaijayanta, name of Indra's palace.
4 For this custom cf. 39. 31 (with note).
5 Probably the Bodhisatta Metteyya, the only future Buddha whom
the Southern Schools mention by name.
6 The same convent for nuns is mentioned 49. 25 under the suc-
cessor of Mahinda H.124 MaMnda II
48. 141
had strips of silver introduced at regular intervals1. There
too he repaired the decayed pasada. Instituting a great festi-
142 val, the discerning (prince) had the Abhidhamma recited by
the Grand Thera dwelling in the Hem asali(-vihara) and
143 built a bathing tank there for his use. He restored many
decayed temples of the gods2 here and there and had costly
144 images of the gods fashioned. He gave the brahma^as de-
licious foods such as the King receives and gave them milk
145 with sugar to drink in golden goblets. To the lame he gave
bulls as well as the needful maintenance, and to the Damilas
146 he gave horses, as they would not take cattle. The poor who
were ashamed to beg he supported in secret, and there were
none on the Island who were not supported by him according
147 to their deserts. Pondering how food could be provided for
cattle, he gave them young corn full of milky juice from a
148 thousand fields. He also strengthened the weir3 of
the
Kalavapi tank. Such like meritorious works of his were
boundless.
149 His son, the Yuvaraja, was then already dead, but there
was still another son, born to him at the time when he was
150 Senapati*. The King fearing that the (other) princes might
kill him, thinking he was fitted for the royal dignity, let him
151 grow up without care, just as chance might determine. When
1 P. thupassa 'kasi sovannakancukam. When a thupa became di-
lapitated one used to build round it a new casing of brick. Such a
casing was called kancuJca, Mahinda places a casing of gold and silver
plates on the cetiya of the Thuparama, In 49. 81 we are told that
king Dappula IL also covered the thupaghara in the same vihara with
golden bricks, and in 50. 35 that the gold plates of the Thnparama
cetiya were plundered by the Pandu King.
2 The Brahmanical religion, Hinduism, had always a place in Ceylon
along with Buddhism and was recognised by the reigning princes.
3 P. ndrimmpata. Of. 68. 85, 37.
4 Hence in the time before his marriage with the Queen Dowager
who bore him the son (see v. 115) who was appointed Uparaja and who
had in the meantime died. Note that neither of the princes is named.
Of. below note to £9. 1.48.160
Mahinda II 125
the town was surrounded by foes, this prince came to his
father and begged from him a fighting elephant. The King 152
gave him his big elephant, terrible as the elephant of Mara1,
and in addition a trained force versed in the use of arms.
He spake: now it is time, girt his sword, mounted the mighty 153
elephant, went forth from the town, scattered the whole al~ 154
most invincible army and won the victory2. When the King
saw that he rejoiced and granted him the dignity of senapati.
He (then) betook himself with his forces to (the North Pro- 155
vince) Uttaradesa3 and put to flight the Adipada Dappula
together with his army. Therefore was Dappula filled with 156
a great hatred towards him. When he met him face to face
in the battle of Mahaummara4 he grew furious and hastily 157
spurred on his elephant to kill him. But the other rammed
with his own elephant (that of Dappula) and put him to flight.
When the King saw that he was highly pleased and as other- 158
wise none was there (suitable) to claim the royal dignity, he
conferred on him the office of his Uparaja.
After Mahinda had thus for twenty years5 enjoyed the full 159
(dominion over the) Island he entered Heaven to enjoy the
fruits of his meritorious actions.
Thus all the delights of fortune won by all kinds of means 160
through bitter suffering disappear in a moment. Truly only
fools can find delight therein.
Here ends the forty-eighth chapter, called uThe Six Kings1',
in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.
1 See note to 41. 48.
2 This episode took place in the sortie (described in v. 106 ffl) from
Anuradhapura when it was besieged by Dappula.
3. Refers to what is described in v. 112.
4 See abo¥e v. 120. .
5 The same number in Pujav. and Rajav.126
(Udaya I)
CHAPTER XLIX
THE FIVE KINGS
After his father's death the Uparaja (Udaya) became king1,
apt to mete out punishment and favour to foes and friends.
As Mahesi the King had the clever Sena by name and little
children (had he) who were very dear to the king and charming
1 There Is no doubt that the Uparaja meant here Is the one men-
tioned in 48. 158, as the son of Mahlnda by a former mariage (48. 149).
The name of this prince is, however, nowhere directly men-
tioned in the Culayamsa. The four Sinhalese sources have Uda =
Udaya as successor of Mahlnda II., and the accuracy of their statement
Is Indirectly confirmed by the Culavamsa: The successor of the unnamed
king is his son Mahlnda (III). After him comes an Aggabodhi (VIII.)
whose relationship with his predecessor is not mentioned. As however,
there Is mention (49.44) of his grandfather in a way which clearly points
to Mahinda II., he must have been the brother of Mahinda III. and
like him, the son of the unnamed king. Now it is said of this Agga-
bodhi VIII. in 49. 45, that he built a parivena and called it Udayagga-
k&dfai by joining his father's name with his own. Hence the son
of Mahiuda II. and father of Mahinda 11L and Aggabodhi V1IL was called
Udaya. In the Sinhalese translation of SUMANGALA and BATUWAXTUDAWA,
also in WIJS&XKHA'S English translation and In all following publications,
as far as I can see, this king gets the name of Dappula. I suppose
on the ground of the following consideration: According to 49. SO, the
unnamed King built a Dopjwlapa55ate and in 50. 80, it Is said that
King Sena I. finished the H&ppulapabbcda begun in the time of King
Dappula. Thus the unnamed king was called Dappula. This in no
way upsets the absolutely conclusive argument for the name
Udaya; the more so, since the two notices about the Dappulapabbata
do not In the least agree. According to 49. SO, it was an d^dsa erected
(not: begun) by the King himself la the Ambmyyinarvihara and granted
to fee t*Mkk}iTi&. In 50.80* it "wm & structure (vOiara?) commenced by
one Mftliidevfc uwder King Dappula act fealgited by King Sena L This49.9
(Ulaya I)
127
to look at1. The dignity of yuvaraja lie bestowed on his 3
eldest son, the others he made adipadas; of his daughters he
made queens2. Offices the King bestowed on these and those 4
persons according to their deserts, and his subjects he won
by the four heart-winning qualities. Now the King had for 5
some reason or other betaken himself to Manihira3, and while
he sojourned there he heard that the border-land was in re-
bellion. Thereupon he sent with all haste the Senapati and 6
his son with the order to go thither and bring the district
under his sway. When these had betaken themselves there, 7
slanderers who were planning strife, by all kinds of idle talk
estranged the twain from the Ruler of men. Now the twain 8
began as foes (of the King) to get possession of the country
for themselves. On tidings of this the King betook himself
at once to Duratissa4. He slew the twain, took possession 9
of everything they had, slaughtered all their accomplices, and
betook himself to Pulatthinagara5.
Dappula can very well be Dappula II. (49. 65ff.), the second predeces-
sor of Sena I. It is a question therefore, whether the two Dappulapabbatas
had anything at all to do with each other. If we assume that they
had, then the building in 49. 30, is wrongly ascribed to Udaya I. or at
least its name is due to a mistake. It was erected, as we are told by
the more exact and therefore more trustworthy notice in 50. 80, under
Dappula II. (W: D. III.). Sena finished the building- and it probably
only then got its name.
1 The Col. Ed, "alters the reading Jchuddd putta in which all MSS.
agree, to Jthuddaputta. W. translates: u(ghe) had a little son." I merely
point out that in the very next verse several sons and daughters are
mentioned.
2 W.'s translation "and gave his daughters away to the other go-
vernor of the Rohana to be his queens" is quite wrong. We have to
do with the granting of titles and honours (rajin% ace. pi.). Cf, below
50. 58 and 54. II.
3 See 42, 34 with note*
4 A Duratissa tank is mentioned 79. 32, among the tanks restored
by Parakkamabahu. The events described evidently take place in the
North Province.
5 W.'s translation: "returned again to the city of Pulatthi" is in-
exact; for the text has garni not paccdgami. It also gives a wrong
picture; for Udaya was not in Pulatthinagara before, but in Manihira.128
(TJdaya I)
49.10
10 At that time there lived in the province of Roha^a a
nobleman Mahinda by name, a son of the Adipada Dathasiva
11 who administered the revenues of the country. He fell
out with his father and betook himself to the King. When
the King beheld him he was much pleased and showed him
12 grace according to his deserts. To strengthen the friendship
with him he gave him his daughter, by name Deva, and sent
13 troops to Roha^a. Mahinda set out, laid Rohapa waste with
the help of the royal army, drove out his father to Jambudlpa
and took possession of Roha^a.
14 In the Mahavihara Udaya1 built a fine, solid house for
the distribution of food by allotment2. To the Kholakkhiya
image of the Lord of Sages (Buddha) he granted, for the
15 outlay on festivals, the village of Hahamaga, having himself
offered (to the image) according to his capacity. For the prince
16 of trees, Vadtjhamana3, he restored the broken down temple
and granted for its guardianship the wealthy village of Kottha-
17 gama. To theNilarama (monastery) he gave the village of Kalussa
and to the bronze image (of the Buddha) he gave the village of
18 Aramassa. What was broken down he restored and he had
images fashioned as well as a great many pasadas, cetiyas and
19 viharas erected*. In Pulatthinagara5 he built of his great
pity a large hall for the sick, and likewise in Padavi, each
20 provided with a maintenance village, also halls for cripples6
and the blind in different places. Judgments which were just
21 he had entered in books and (these) kept in the royal palace
because of the danger of violation of justice. To the vihara
called Nagfavaddliaiia he made over several maintenance villages
1 In the original the name is not mentioned, it simply says h e built.
2 P. salakagga; for sdaJca cf. note to 48.73,
3 See note to 48. 5.
* I now prefer to add the accusatives pdsdde etc. In v. 18 a b to
the preceding verse so thai they are governed by k&rayi in 17 d. The
new sentence begins then with Pulatthmagare.
5 Note how Fuiatthinagara gains more and more in importance
(cf. also 48. 134).
g P. gttffouopjptn, lit.: who moves with aid of a chair (pitha), i e. a
support that one pushes in front of one.49.27
(Udaya I) 129
and without annulling ancient charters1, and observing former
decrees, he maintained permanently the great almsgiving2 in- 22
stituted by his father and all the other meritorious works
which he carried out without curtailment. The Mahesi, too, 23
of the great King performed many meritorious works. The
Queen built on the Cetiya mountain the Katthaka-cetiya3, and 24
having built the Jay asenapabbata(-vihara), she granted it to
the Datnila bhikkhu community*. She also made over to them
the village of Mahummara. Then she built a home for blpkkhums 25
called Silamegha, and gave it to the (former) home for
bhikkhums called Silamegha5. Villages which had been sold 26
she redeemed, by giving the (necessary) money to the vihara
and granting the villages to the vihara in question. Having 27
had ail the great trees on the Cetiya mountain clipped6, the
1 P. lekhe. We. have to do here with deeds of gift, so-called sannas,
engraven on copperplates, occasionally on silver or gold, or written on
palm leaves such as are still preserved in considerable numbers* EL C.
P. BELL, Report on the K^galla-Pistrict, p. 91. This passage is probably
the oldest confirmation of the custom.
2 See above 48. 123-4.
3 In contradiction to all the MSS. the Col. Ed. alters the name into
Kantakam cetiyam, apparently merely for the sake of getting hold of
a familiar Pali word (kantaka "thorn").
4 Yery doubtful. The MSS. are all corrupt. They read damissadd,
have thus a syllable too little. If my restoration ddmilassada is right
? it is at any rate nearer the MSS. than the gamikassada of the Col.
Ed. ? it would mean that also Damilas in Ceylon were Buddhists, but
that the bhikkhus of this nationality formed a special group.
5 We. must assume that the old convent of this name mentioned
48. 139, had fallen into decay. The Queen built a new convent, gave
it the same name and granted it to the bhikkhunis who lived in the
former one, as their home.
6 -That chedayttvana here means "after he had felled" is not plau-
sible to me. But the clipping of the branches to facilitate the putting
on of the fiags and to enable them to be seen is quite intelligible. This
makes the trees into votive "rag-trees". For analogies s> & AKJDB&B,
Ethnographisehe Parallelen und Vergleiche (1878), p. 58 ff.; MAHKHABDT,
Wald- trad Peldkulte2 (1904), I. p. 219 ff, and passim; v.
Arische Eeligion (1916), II. p. 282.
9130 (Udayal)
49.28
King1 gave brightly coloured flags and streamers as offerings.
28 In the domain of the Puccharama2 (-vihara) he restored the
pasada and for it he made out of the poor maintenance vil-
29 lage of TJssanavitthi a rich one. The vihara Giribhaijda3
which had gone to rack and ruin he restored as it had been
formerly, and granted maintenance villages to the bhikkhus
SO dwelling there. In the Ambuyy ana (-vihara) he built the dwel-
ling house Dappulapabbata4 and made it over, provided with
31 the four necessaries to three hundred bhikkhus. Having built
the beautiful monastery Nilagalla, he had a canal laid out
which made fruitful much country and granted it (to the
32 monastery). In the Arikari-vihara he renewed what was broken
down and built (there) a house for the distribution of food
by allotment, and a pasada which was formerly missing.
33 In Vihadipa5 he built the Senaggabodhipabbata (-pasada) and
in the three fraternities he, the deeply learned, had the sa-
34 cred texts recited. To those among the bhikkhus who were
engaged in the hardest studies6 he presented7 bronze alms-
bowls and he left undone nothing of that which one calls a
35 meritorious work. To widowed women of good family he gave
ornaments and when they wanted food he handed them food
1 It is uncertain whether the works enumerated in 27-30 are to be
ascribed to the Queen or the King. In 26 we have sa as subject, but
in 31 so. I prefer to assume the King as author, the services of the
Queen being usually devoted to the bhikkhunfs.
2 The Col. Ed. changes the name, against the MSS.t into Pubbarama.
See note to 50. 69.
a Mhvs. 34. 81 speaks of a great festivity instituted by King Ma-
hadathikamahanaga (66-78 A. D.) on the Cetiya mountain (Mihintale),
which received the name Gwi^M^da-maMj^ija. This name is probably
connected with that of the vihara.
4 See below 50.80 and above note to 49.1. 5 See note to 48- 65.
6 P. swgantMke from gavtlui, skr. grantM. Gf. g&mtUka-VhWku,
Dhammapadatthakatha ed. H. C. NGBMAV, I 15i2. See BHYS DAVIDS
and STEDK, PTS. P. D. a. v. jpoftittta. W.'s transktion "compelled the
priests to accept his oSefiBg of alma-bowls" Is impossible. For that it
would have to be 5iittiti instead of the genitive WttMtwim of the text,
7 Lit*; he let them receive (49.45 Mahinda III,
Aggdbodhi VIII 131
at night. To the cattle he gave young corn, to the crows 36
and other birds rice, and to the children grain with honey
and syrup. Thus the King with his attendants performed 37
meritorious works, and after enjoying the earth, he had to
leave it after five years1.
Hereupon his son Mahinda by name became sovereign 38
of the Sihalas, a nobleman, equipped with excellence of every
kind. Known all the earth round by the name of Dhammi- 39
kasilamegha2, he was a light of the true doctrine2, a banner
of the doctrine3, to whom the true doctrine3 was the highest,
and he performed without fail every work that followed the 40
right3 path and which had been done by former kings, but
he avoided wrong. To allow of repairs being made at all 41
times on the Ratanapasada4 he granted it the Ge$humba
canal5. What was ruined he rebuilt, and performed (other) 42
meritorious works. After reigning for four years6 he went
to his death.
Aggabodhi then raised the umbrella of dominion in the 43
capital, preparing unremittingly welfare and happiness for all
creatures. He instituted a sacrificial festival for the relics, 44
worthy of all the virtues of the Master, and a great festival
for the image of the Sambuddha set up by his grandfather7.
He, the Ruler of men, built the Udayaggabodhi-parivena, 45
1 Pujav. and RajaV. the same.
2 In PSjav. and Rajav. the king is called Haligaravil Iskfibo
Mihindu; In Rajaratn. and Nik.-s. Somihindu.
3 Three times here the ambiguous word dhamma occurs in the text;
for "wrong" adhamma. The compiler paraphrases the adjunct dhammiJca
in Mahinda's birada,
* See note to 48. 135.
5 Whose waters could only be employed for tillage by payment of
a tax, otherwise accruing to the king, to the inmates of the Ratenapasada.
6 PujaV. the same; Rajav. 7 years.
7 Without doubt what is meant here is the golden statue mentioned
48. 1S7 as having been made by Mahinda IL This proves that Agga-
bodhi VIII., whose relationship to his predecessor is not mentioned in
any of our sources, was a grandson of Mahinda II., a son of Udaya I.
and brother of his predecessor Mahinda III.
9*132 AggabodU VI11
49.46
46 choosing for it Ms father's name1 and his own. Further, he
built the parive#aa called Bhuta, furnished with (the needful)
revenues and granted it to his own teacher and three hundred
47 bhikkhus. To the Rajasala(-vihara)3 he granted the village
of Culavapiyagama and two villages to the Kalula and Malla-
48 vata4 viharas. On the Uposatha days he forbade the bringing
in of fish, meat and intoxicating drinks into the centre of the
49 town. When he had done reverence to the bhikkhus or the
cetiyas, he used, when leaving, to clean his feet thoroughly,
50 that no sand might be lost. All actions leading to Heaven
and to delivrance, all those actions he performed with faith
in the three (sacred) objects5.
51 The King found pleasure in the serving of his mother day
and night. He went to wait on her already early in the
52 morning, rubbed her head with oil, perfumed the parts moist
53 with sweat6, cleaned her nails and bathed her carefully. He
clad her himself in a new garment, pleasant to the touch,
54 and the cast-off raiment he took and cleaned it himself. With
the water therefrom he sprinkled his own head together with
the diadem, and worshipped her perfectly with fragrant flo-
55 wers as a cetiya. After making obeisance before her three
times, and walking, with right side facing, round her and
1 The name Udaya. See note to 49. 1. The vihara Uda-Agbo is
mentioned in an inscription of Mahinda IY. WICKREMASINGHE EZ. I.
p. 216, 221, 227.
2 A Bhutarama is mentioned already under Kanitthatissa (223-241
A. D.). Here we have probably to do with a new buildiiJg in this
monastery.
3 According to my conjecture, Mdjasalaya instead of raja sdlaya.
The word sold alone says too little.
4 Mallavata-vihara, built according to 48.70, by Aggabodhi VII.
5 See note to 37. 214 and 41. 55.
e W.'s translation "cleanse her body" is too general. The verb
ubbatteti is used of rubbing in with some Mnd of perfumed substance.
To the passages cited by RHYS DAVIDS and STEDE, I may add Dlghanik.
IL 32414*1®; Vinaya ed. OLDENBERCJ III. 3299; Thupavamsa ed. Col. p.
89";
Mahav. TIka, ed. Col. p. 1329. The word jallika means "sweat drops"
just as the more frequent rajojalla must be translated by "dirt and
sweat". Cf. sedajalKM Sn. 198 (En.' D. and ST.).49. 64
Aggabodhi VIII 133
giving her attendants raiment and the like to their heart's
content, he offered her delicious food with his own hand, 56
partook himself of what she left and strewed thereof on his
head. To her attendants he gave the best food such as was 57
meant for the king, and when he had put in order her
chamber, fragrant with sweet odours, he carefully prepared 58
there with his own hand her couch, washed her feet, rubbed
her gently with fragrant oil, sat by her rubbing her limbs
and sought to make her sleep1. Then with right side facing, 59
he walked round her bed, did reverence three times in the
right way, ordered slaves or servants as guard and without 60
turning his back on her, went out. At a spot where she
could no longer see him, he halted and three times again did
reverence. Then happy at his action, and ever thinking of 61
her, he went home2. As long as she lived he served her in
this way.
Once he addressed one of his slaves with the word "slave"; 62
to make up to him for it, he let him use3 the same word
towards himself. The wise (prince) made his mother offer 63
his own person as a gift to the bhikkhu community, then
paid down a sum equal to his own value and was thus again
a free man. Thus holding meritorious works as the highest, 64
he did good to the Island and went after (a reign of) eleven
years4 to the world of the gods.
1 P. Jcatvd niddam upecca tarn, a highly curious construction, niddam
upecca would mean "after she had fallen asleep". By the addition of
JcatvG tarn the causative meaning is given "after he had brought about
that she fell asleep". See Culavs. ed., Introd* p. XV.
2 In the original this whole section from v. 55 to 61 forms one
sentence. The fin. verb yati is in the pres. to express continued repe-
tition. All the preceding verbs are gerunds.
3 W.'s translation "it grieved him so that he himself sought to ob-
tain his servant's forgiveness" Is too vague and overlooks the point,
namely, that he permits his servant to call him by the same con-
temptuous epithet which he himself had used to Mm.
4 Pijav, and Rajiv, have the same. In Bajaratn. and Nik.-s. the
king is called Madl-Akbo.134 Ztappula II
49.65
65 His younger brother Dappula1 now became king after
his death. He kept closely to the conduct of the earlier kings.
66 At that time the sons of the ruler of Roha$a, Mahinda by
name, driven out by their father, came to the King, their
67 maternal uncle2. He beholding them and hearing their story,
gave them a strong force and sent them away to fight with
68 their father, concerned for the welfare of his kinsmen. But
when the ruler of Roha#a, Mahinda, recognised the situation,
he began on his part to make war on them with strong forces,
69 The twain had to retreat and after appointing a commander
over the army, they returned to the King and abode there
70 (in Anuradhapura) serving him. Their father was content
therewith, but in combat with another kinsman he was slain
71 and this kinsman too lost his life. Hereupon the King gave
his sister's son Kittaggabodhi his daughter Deva to wife, gifted
72 with all virtues. He (Kittaggabodhi) appointed (his brother)
Dappula to the king's service and betook himself at the head
78 of an army division to Roha$a. He became sovereign of Ro-
ha$a and favoured by every kind of good fortune, took up
his abode there increasing in sons and daughters.
74 The King had the ruined temple of the Prince of Trees
newly and durably built and gilded3. At the festival of his
75 consecration he instituted a sacrificial feast which he
so
1 In accordance with the old Sinhalese law of inheritance three sons
of Udaya L reign one after the other. According to this law Dappula's
legitimate successor would have been the son of his eldest brother Ma-
hinda IIL But cf. below 49. 84 and 50.4.
2 Their father Mahinda according to 49. 10?12, was married to
B e v a the daughter of Udaya L, a sister of Dappula II. The quarrels
in Boh ana abont the succession described there, of the details of which
we are ignorant, thus continue. It was the policy of the Sinhalese kings
to exploit these to strengthen their position in Eohana. Note the simi-
larity of the events, as described in 49.10 ff. and in 49. 66 ff.,
especially
the repetition of the name Deva.
s The construction of the sentence is not quite simple. W. translates
it "the king rebuilt the old house of the Bodhi-tree, so that it may
last, and ornamented it with works inlaid with gold".49.84
Aggabodhi IX 135
arranged that it was fully worthy of his own royal dignity
and the perfection of the Master (Buddha). He rebuilt the ruined 76
pasada in the Hatthikucchi^vihara, the Vahadipa monastery and
the Lavaravapabbata^yihara)1. For the yihara called Jeta he 77
made a golden image of the Master and on its delivery to
the Bodhi temple9 he held a sacrificial festival of unimaginable
splendour. Every year he instituted in the Island a gift of 78
raiment. He enlarged the Mahapali Hall, and eager for the
good of the refectory he dispensed as much (rice) as tallied 79
with the weight of his body3. Kuined buildings he restored,
he kept to the conduct of former kings without neglecting
anything. He had a discerning senapati by name Vajira. This 80
(Vajira) built the Kacchavala monastery for the Pamsukulins-
In the Thuparlma the King covered the temple of the thupa 81
with golden bricks in the right way and put in doors of gold*.
After the Ruler of men had thus reigned sixteen years5, he 82
went to that land whither all beings must go.
This King having gone to the world of the gods, Agga- 83
bodhi (by name) had the drums of dominion beaten the self-
same day6. His father (Dappula) to safeguard the succession 84
1 Very doubtful, as all our MSS. are corrupt. For the first two
names mentioned here, cf. 48. 65 with the notes.
2 We must assume that it was a figure seated in the attitude of
meditation, and that it was placed at the foot of the Bodhi tree, just as
the Buddha sitting under such a tree, received the highest enlightenment.
3 I am inclined now to assume that the words Wwdtaggam awctiokiya
in 78 belong to the following and not to the preceding.
4 Ghadayi is here probably wrong, as also Jt&rayi in the Col. Ed.
It will perhaps be best to retain the reading of the MSS. padcvyi (padeti
= skr. fra-da treated after the analogy of the causative, like Mreti).
* So Pijlv.; Rajav,: 12 years. According to Rljav. and Rajaratn.
an incursion of the Daniijas took place in this reign. They plundered
Anuradhapura and carried away much valuable booty.
6 The original has tada ahu. This seems to give no sense, so in
the edition (of the text) I have remarked at this passage: "we expect
something like tadatrojo" I am inclined now to think that we have
here an etymological puerility, and that for the sake of the metre,
tadaM lam been split up into tola a%& . : : . .136
Aggabodhi IX
49.85
for his sons, had not made1 his brother's son, Mahinda by
85 name, adipada. As the latter could not bring himself to show
reverence to his younger kinsman, he fled in his confusion to
86 the other coast2 .... When he (the King) heard of their
arrival he sent out a strong force gave them battle and seized
their heads3.
87 In the monastic fraternities he ordered everything that
had to be done and throughout the Island he caused the pre-
88 vention of evil action. The bhikkhus in the smaller viharas4
used to receive rice gruel as medicine in the Mahavihara.
89 When the King heard of it he was dipleased; he granted (the
small viharas) the important village of Kai^hapitthi, (the village
90 of) Yabllagama, (the village of) Telagama and a well-filled canal
and gave orders that the bhikkhus should receive their rice
gruel in (their own) vihara. After that they all received the
91 gruel gratefully (in their vihara). On the Island he had the
drums beaten and summoned the beggars, distributing to them
gold as much as they wanted, for three days.
92 Having performed these and other meritorious works, the
King went after three years5 to behold the reward for his
faith in the three (sacred) objects, driving, as it were, in a
heavenly chariot to death.
1 Against the law of succession. See above note to v. 65.
2 Hence to southern India. The word refers to Mahinda's inner
conflict. He sees no way of escape except by flight to the mainland.
3 The tesaWf at the beginning of the verse is surprising, since only
one Mahinda was mentioned before. W. seeks to make the plural in-
telligible by supplementing (v, 85) "with all his brethren". But that
is not in the text. Besides, according to 50. 4, it is the succeeding
king, Sena L who kills Mahinda. I think we must assume a gap in
our text. The missing part (perhaps only a single verse) dealt with
friends and adherents of Mahinda who fought at first for bis rights and
were defeated by Aggabodhi.
4 What is meant are the smaller viharas of Artur&dhapura In contrast
to the three great nikayas.
5 So PQjav. IE EIjl?. and Eajaratn. Aggabodhi IX. is not named.
His successor Sena is also omitted. Mjk,-s» calls Mm
P&tttln-Akbo.49.93 AggabodU IX
137
Thus all corporeal beings are impermanent. Even the all- 93
wise Buddhas are doomed to die. Hence a prudent man gi-
ving up (everything) that proceeds from the lust of being,
will keep his thoughts fixed on nirvana1.
Here ends the forty-ninth chapter, called The Five Kings,
in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.
1 P. buddho vibhave bhaveyya. Of. skr. budh with ace. or gen. "to
direct the mind to something". In P. the loc. is used instead of the
gen.138 Sena I
CHAPTER L
THE ONE KING
1 Hereupon his younger brother Sena1 raised the umbrella
(of dominion) in the town, abounding in riches, who looked
2 on all creatures as on a dear son. He adhered to the con-
duct of former kings in accordance with tradition, and he per-
3 formed also pious actions before unheard of. Towards bhikkhus,
bhikkhums, his kinsfolk and (the other) islanders, towards
fishes, four-footed beasts and the birds he fulfilled every duty.
4 He had Mahinda who had betaken himself to the opposite
shore2, slain by agents. In such wise he cleared his path of
5 all who could dispute with him the royal dignity. He in-
stituted a great almsgiving for needy beggars, to bhikkh.us
and brahmanas (he dispensed) delicious food such as the king
6 receives. He had three younger brothers: Mahinda, Kassapa
7 and Udaya. Of these Mahinda was the Yuvaraja who, obedient
to him, served him in fitting manner. The Queen, Samgha
by name, was the queen-consort of the King.
8 Once when the King had betaken himself for pleasure to
a port on the sea, the Adipada Udaya who had remained be-
9 hind in the town, took to wife the daughter of the wife of
his maternal uncle by name Nala who was under the King's
10 protection3, and took her with him to Pulatthinagara. Without
1 Sena L is called Matvalasen in the Nik.-s.
2 See above 49. 85-86 with the notes.
3 P. r&kkhanttm is to be understood as pres. part, of the passive
rakkhati = skr. rdksyate. The name Nala is contained in that of the
monastery Nalarima which according to the inscription of Mahakalatteva
(E. MtLLEB A1C. nr. 110; p. 77,112) the Grand Scribe Sena (cf. 52. 83)
built in honour of his mother and named after her. This Nala however,
cannot well be as WICKEBMASHC©HE assumes (EZ. I. 154, n. 7), the
daughter
of Mahinda of Rohana and of Deva; since Devi was not the mahdam,
but the pitmccha of Udaya.50.24 Sena,
I 139
being wroth with him the King made with him an inyiolable
treaty, sent the Mahadipada (Mahinda) to him, quieted him
and brought him hither again1. Thus the princes were again 11
at one and lived sheltering the Order (of the Buddha) and
the laity, in perfect peace.
Once later came the Pa#du King2 with a great force from 12
Jambudipa and began to take possession of the Island. When 13
the King heard thereof he sent a strong army against him,
but owing to the discord among the high dignitaries, the
prince, the Pa$
Province) and occupied an armed camp in Mahatalitagama.
The many Damilas who dwelt (scattered) here and there, went 15
over to his side. Thereby he gained great power. The great 16
army which had gathered there (in Mahatalitagama) began
war with the King; the Pa^du King went into the field riding
on the back of his elephant. The Damila army who beheld 17
the fae,p of its leader, was full of vigour and determination,
and ready to lay down its life for him. But the Island army 18
as its leaders were absent, was without zeal; it scattered in
fight and fled in all directions. The great army of the Pa$(Ju 19
King broke in at the same moment crushing in onset the
people, like the hosts of Mara. When the King heard of the 20
dispersion of his army, he took all his valuable property, left
the town and turned towards Malaya. Thereupon the Tuvaraja, 21
Mahinda, mounted his elephant; but when he saw in battle
the flight of his army, he thought: "Alone it is impossible 22
for me to kill all these; but death at the hands of these base
people is not beautiful; therefore is death by my own hand 23
to be preferred" and sitting on the back of his elephant, he
cut his throat. When his men saw that, many of them like- 24
1 From the standpoint of the author: to Anuradhapura.
2 The Pan
Korkai, later Madhura. Of, V, A. SMITH, Early History of India, p. 335
ff.
For the name of the PI$
wise cat their throats and when the Damila army beheld this
25 it rejoiced with exceeding joy. When the Adipada Kassapa
surveyed all that, just at it was, he mounted his favourite
26 horse, armed, weapon in hand, and came alone as far as the
27 Abhaya-vihara1. Even as a supawa when it catches a snake
breaks through2 her watery abode, so he broke through this
great army by storm. He forced the whole (army) to retreat
28 and remained himself unscathed3. His one horse looked as if
it were a line of steeds. When he saw none following him
29 he thought: "What would it avail if I alone (by my death)
were to fulfil the wish of the foe? meanwhile I shall, if I
80 remain in life, be able to fulfil my own wish. Therefore it
is right if I retreat'*. Therewith the great hero broke fear-
31 lessly through the great army and escaped to Ko^divata. The
great army of the Pa$du King thereupon took the town.
32 They showed the YuvarajaV head to the Pandu King. When
he saw it he had (the corpse) burned and gave orders for the
observance at the pyre of all the ceremonies prescribed by
the Pa$4us for their kings.
33 The Pandu King took away all valuables in the treasure
house of the King and plundered what there was to plunder
34 in vihara and town. In the Ratanapasada the golden image
of the Master (Buddha)4 the two jewels which had been set
1 Abhayagiri-vihara. The pursuing enemy had thus already approa-
ched the northern gate of the town.
2 The words og&hitva mdarayi belong to both objects mahasenam
and salildlayan. In W.'s translation the simile is not rightly grasped
or at least blurred. For Kassapa's breaking through the hostile army
the expression o-gak "to dive" has been chosen with reference to the
simile. The Suparinas are mythical birds griffinlike. They are considered
the deadly enemies of the Nagas. In this passage these are described
as "bhujanga, snake-like dwellers in the sea.
3 Lit.: preserved (or protected) himself well. Note in sugopayi the
rarer association of $u with a finite verb; as shortly before, in v. 4
suvisodhesi.
4 W. has not understood the passage aright, nor I myself in my
edition (but cf, the corrections and additions in vol. II). It deals with
the golden image set up by MaMndall (48. 135ff.) in the-Ratanapasada
which he had built in the Abhayagiri-vihara. See also 51, 22 ff. We
must therefore read Pdsade Ewtame sabbasomnnam satthubimbakam.50,44
Sena I
141
as eyes in the stone (image of the) Prince of Sages,, likewise 35
the gold plates on the cetiya1 in the Thuparama, and the
golden images here and there in the viharas ? all these he 36
took and made the Island of Lanka deprived of her valuables
leaving the splendid town in a state as if it had been plundered
by yakkhas2.
The King (Sena) had posted guards at various places along 37
the highway and in great alarm had taken up his abode at
the confluence of the two rivers3. In order to make a treaty 38
with the Sihala ruler, the Pa$du King now sent dignitaries
thither. When the Sihala sovereign saw them and heard 39
their message, he agreed to everything, bestowed favours on
the ambassadors to their hearts' content, presented them with 40
a couple of elephants as well as with all his jewels and sent
messengers to the Pan.du King, thinking of his own advantage.
When the Pan.du King saw all this he was highly pleased, 41
handed over the capital on the same day to the messengers,
evacuated the town and betook himself at once to the seaport, 42
There he embarked and returned to his country.
Thereupon the Kuler Silamegha (Sena)4 entered the town, 43
brought the Island again to its former condition and lived in
peace. His second brother5, the nobleman TIdaya by name, 44
1 Of- on this 48. 140, as well as 49. 81.
2 By yakJika are meant the prehistoric inhabitants of Ceylon whom
Vijaya found when he migrated to the Island* They were believed to
have magic powers, hence the word means superhuman, demoniacal
beings generally. Ethnologists consider the Vaddas as remnants of
these aborigines. Of. the monograph of A. K. COOMARASWAMY, Yaksas,
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 80, Nr. 4. Washington 1928.
s The mahdmagga is probably the highway which led from Anuradha-
pura to Pulatthinagara and from here to Rohana, Malayabhimukho
gato above in v. 20 evidently gives merely the general direction In which
Sena retreated. The "confluence of the two rivers" where he took up
a waiting position must be the point of junction of the Mahavellganga
and Ambanganga where he commanded the two fords; Dastota (Sa-
hassatlttha) and Mahagantota (Kacchakatlttha).
4 Silamegha is the surname of Sena. Cf. note to 44. 88.
5 After Mahlnda's death (v. 23) his brother Kassapa became heir to
the throne. But as he was slain by the Pan
but he died very soon so that the succession passed to Kassapa's eldest
son.142 Sena I
50.45
he appointed mahadipada and assigned him for his revenues
45 (the Southern Province) Dakkhi$adesa. But he, after per-
forming meritorious works as was meet, was seized after a
short time with illness and fell into the jaws of death1.
46 The Adipada Kassapa while he sojourned in Pulatthi-
nagara, was slain by the Pa$
48 endowed with the marks (of future) power. Of these the first
was the prince Sena by name, a hero, a man of great energy,
capable of bearing the burden of the royal dignity, an eminent
49 man. To him the King assigned in accordance with the custom
the dignity of mahadipada and assigned him for his revenues
Dakkhi^adesa together with the (needful) troops.
50 The ruler of Roha$a, Kittaggabodhi, had four sons and
51 three attractive, charming daughters. His eldest son, the
nobleman by name Mahinda, was murdered by his father's
sister who took the country with the royal treasure for her-
52 self. The three brothers enraged at the murder of their
brother2 took their three sisters and betook themselves to the
53 King (Sena)* When the King who greatly loved them, in
deepest pity3 beheld them, he brought them all up full of
love in the best way possible as if they were royal princes*.
54 Then the Ruler of men sent the eldest of them, Kassapa by
55 name, with forces: "Take possession of thy country, go!". He
1 According to the inscription mentioned above (note to 50. 9) the
marriage of Udaya with Hala produced a son. He is there called
MahalS-Sen. That is the Sena of 52. 3S, who under his cousin
Kassapa IT., evidently at an advanced age, enjoyed the dignity of
Mahalekhaka. But as according1 to v, 6, Kassapa was older than Udaya,
his sons succeeded before those of Udaya.
f The MSS. point to the reading bhatnghatake. But since the word
refers to a female, S. and B, in conjunction with one MS. read -gJmtane.
The MS. S 6 originally had this reading, but it is corrected to -ghffiake.
3 P. daydmuleko* At the end of a compound mtdfta is used in the
sense of jpadft&na.
4 Not as W. has it "as if they were the offspring of the gods/1
The children of the house of Bohana are treated as if they belonged
to the family of the reigning king50.66
Sena I 143
set forth, slew her, brought the whole'-.of' Rohaga into his
power and took up his abode there without mishap. Then 56
he fetched his two brothers Sena and Udaya, shared with
them the country and dwelt with them. But King Sena 57
brought up the maidens in a most excellent way and when
the three princesses were grown up, gifted and beautiful as
divine nymphs, he gave tlie one called Samgha to whom lie 58
assigned the rank of queen1, to the Uparaja Sena to wife, with
large revenues worthy2 of the royal dignity. The younger 59
brother of the Uparaja, Mahinda by name, was endowed with
all virtues, practised in all sciences. To him the King gave 60
the two princesses, called Tissa and Kitti, with revenues which
he deemed fitting. Thus the King showed favour to his kindred 61
according to (their) deserts. By favours such as almsgiving
and the like he won the people for himself. Endowed with 62
the ten qualities of kings3, he enjoyed (while) performing
meritorious works, the earth. For the Pamsukulika bhikkhus* 63
he built a monastery on the Arit^ha mountain5, erected as if
by magic, and endowed it with large revenues. He granted 64
it also an equipment without flaw, worthy of a king, many
helpers of the monastery and slaves as work people. In the 65
Jetavana-vihara the Sovereign whose aspiration was directed to
the Buddha step, erected6 a pasada of several storeys. After 66
1 It is possible to refer thapetva rajinlthane to all three princesses.
In 49. 3, we already had a case of the king granting the title of rajim
to princesses in the same way as that of adipada to princes. Of. farther
54. 11, as also 60.84.
2 The alteration of sariWihakam which all the MSS. have, into
parikhhalcam is unnecessary. The skr. sadr&a can also mean "suited to,
worthy of". The context demands an adjectival attribute to mahabhogam.
3 See note to 37.107. 4 Cf. above note to 47. 66.
5 The Eitigala (see 44. 86 with note) is extremely rich in rains. Cf.
ASC. 1893 (= XXXVIII, 1904, p. 8 ff.)- Then Plans and Plates for Annual
Report 1893 (Colombo 1914). A. M. HOCART identifies the monastery
built by Sena with the rains of Banda Pokuna. See Memoirs ASC. I. 44.
6 A pun in the original on bhumi in its three meanings of earth,
platform or step and storey. Note the Mahayanistic idea of striving
after the attainment of future Buddhahood. It occurs here for the first
time in theSena I 50.67
bringing thither1 a wholly golden image of the Victor (Buddha)
that he had had made and having fixed large revenues for the
67 pasada, he let bhikkhus take up their abode there. In the same
vihara he had the splendid pasada in the Mahaparivena re-
68 built, which had been destroyed by fire. In the Abhayuttara-
vihara he built the Virankurarania* and granted it to the
69 bhikkhus of the Mahasanpgha3 and of the Thera School. The
Pubbarama* also furnished with the four necessaries, he built
70 together with his royal consort Samgha. Likewise together
with her the discerning Monarch built in the Mahavihara, the
71 dwelling-house Samghasena5 with large revenues. Having had
made of pure gold a reliquary for the hair relic6 he instituted
a great sacrificial festival. The sublime (prince) dedicated to
72 it the kingly dignity. To the Cetiya mountain he assigned
the productive Kanavapi tank, and to the bhikkhus dwelling
73 on the Island he had the three garments7 distributed. In Pu-
latthinagara he built at the Thusavapi8 tank the Senaggahodhi
74 shrine, endowed with villages and monastery helpers, and here
1 Thus I understand vaddhetva. Gf. for the meaning Culavs. ed. II,
Index of Words, s, v. vaddheti.
2 Is mentioned in a Vessagiri inscription of King Dappula IV. (V.)
WlCKBEMASINGHE, EZ. I. 23 ff.
3 For the Mahasamghika who branched off from the Theravadins
(Mhvs. 5. 4-5), at the first Council, s. M. WALUSSKR, Die Sekten des
alten Buddhismus, p. 24 if.
4 If above in 49. 28, one reads with the Col. Ed, Pubbarama instead
of Puccharama, which however, is contrary to the MSS., then in our
passage it is only a question of rebuilding the monastery. Cf. EZ. I. 183.
5 This is probably the Sangsen-aram mentioned in the inscription
of Kassapa V, which was restored by this king together with the Marica-
vatti-thupa. WICKKEMASINGHB, EZ. I. 41 ff.
6 The relic was brought to Ceylon by Silakala, See Mhvs. S9. 49 ff.
^ See note to 41. 29.
8 W. follows the reading vSpiyo of the CoL Ed. and translates ac-
cordingly; "with the help of the great tank Thusavapi he built several
smaller tanks ... and he also built0 etc. In this ease however, a ca in
the second line of the verse would be indispensable.50.84
Sena I 145
beside this building1, he built a large eating-hall where good
food was distributed, as well as for all (the bhikkhus) an
eating-hall in the Mahanettapabbata(~vihara). He also had a 75
hall for the sick built in the west of the town and for the
destitute he made an offering of rice soup with the solid food
(belonging thereto). For the Pamsukulika-bhikkhus the sublime 76
(prince) built a separate kitchen and dutifully gave them per-
manent support. When he was (still) Mahadipada he built 77
in the Kappura-pariveija and in the Uttaralha(-parivena)2
single cells which bore his name.- Three times the wealthy 78
prince dispensed alms equal in weight to his body and yet
other meritorious works of divers kinds were performed by
the King. His royal consort, Samgha by name, had built 79
in the Uttara-vihara3 a dwelling-house called Mahindasena
and let bhikkhus take up their abode there. The charming 80
Dappulapabbata-vihara4 was begun in the time of the wise
King Dappula by Mahadeva, and the Kassaparajaka(-viiiara) 81
by the young prince called Kassapa ? both these unfinished
(buildings) the same King (Sena) completed5. His Senapati 82
Bhadda built the parirena, called Bhaddasenapati, endowed
with slaves and revenues* The dignitary Uttara built in the 83
Abhayuttara-vihara the dwelling house, called TJttarasena,
excellently provided6 with the (four) necessaries. In the same 84
place Vajira (by name) built the dwelling house Vajirasenaka,
and Rakkhasa (by name) built the dwelling-house, called
Rakkhasa.
1 I supplement tasmim yeva not with nagare, as does W,, but with
amse from 73 c to get the antithesis to sdbbesam in 74 c. The first
MahapaH hall belonged specially to the Senaggabodhi house, the second
was for general use.
2 Of the first we know from 45. 29 that it belonged to the Abhaya-
giri-vihira; the second parivena is mentioned again 51. 75,
3 L e. Abhayuttara-Ylfaara = Abhayagiri-yihara.
4 Cf. with the verse the note to 49. 1.
s By DIrukassapa is probably meant the younger brother of the
king whose death is announced in v. 46, "W. takes it for the name
of a minister. For Kassaparajaka s. note to 52. 45.
6 Pan on the word uttara, occurring 4 times in the verse.
10146 Sena I
50.85
85 Thereupon after twenty years1 the King who had ever
fixed his gaze on the highest, while sojourning in Pu-
latthinagara, pondering over the misdeeds of the Paridu King,
86 and in sense making way2 for the hero Sena, had to leave
the Island and depart as a lamp (goes out) which the storm
has quenched.
87 Riches are fleeting together with life, how much more so
are even kindred and friends. Behold the King who forsaken
fell into the terrible jaws of death.
Here ends the fiftieth chapter, called
in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.
1 So also Pujav.
2 P. dadanto mya Senassa surassavasaram. He leaves to his successor
the possibility and the opportunity to take vengeance on the Pandus.Senn II
147
CHAPTER LI
THE HISTORY OF THE TWO KINGS
After Sena had thus died the Mahadipada Sena by name 1
performed all that there was to-do1 for him in pious manner,
then with army and train he entered the town and was king over 2
the earth's circle. Showing conduct like that of the-kings of
the first age of the world, pious, wealthy, heroic, generous, 3
impartial, succouring the needy, equipped with large revenues,
with army and train, he represented in his spotless fame and 4
his splendid ability, as it were, a union of the sun: and the
inoon: richly gifted with unblemished qualities, practising every 5
kind of virtue, devoid of all sin, weary of the cycle of births,
his gaze fixed on the highest. Samghl who was his consort, 6
he consecrated MahesT and gave heir a dowry according to the
custom. His younger brother, the able Mahinda by name, he 7
made uparlja, assigning him (the Southern Province) Dakkhijta-
desa. As however, he had committed an offence in the wo- 8
riien's apartments, he disappeared on being discovered by the
King, and betook himself with wife and child unrecognised
to Malaya.
At that time time the King1 s consort Saipgha bore him'a 9
son who embodied2, assi. it were, in himself the princely form
1 Namely the prescribed funeral ceremonies. Sena II. is called in
Pujav., RajaV., Rajaratn. and Nik.-s. 'Mu gay in- Sen. In Pujiv. he is
erroneously called brother (woZ) of his" predecessor,
2 For Panada or Mahapanada see note to 87. 62. It cannot be a
question here of son of Panada, as such does not otherwise occur, but
of Panada 'himself when he was prince. We must thus read Jcam&ni-
rupam and this belong-s to Panadassa as well as to dttano. For Maha-
panada as prince see Jataka IV, p. 323 ff. Suruci-Jataka.
10*148 Sena II
51. 10
10 of Panada. Wlien the King beheld the newly-born lie was
overjoyed, as Suddhodana over Siddhattha born in the Lumbim
11 garden, (thinking): my son endowed with the qualities of
power and virtue, is worthy of the royal dignity not alone
12 in this single island but in all Jambudlpa, and already on the
day of name-giving he consecrated him uparaja1 in the most
solemn manner and granted him (the Southern Province)
13 Dakkhi$adesa. The Yuvaraja (Mahinda) who was sojourning
in Malayaf understood by prudent conduct2 to appease the
14 sovereign, and with his brother's consent, he came accompanied
by the bhikkhus dwelling in the three fraternities, sought
out the King, and made here at once an inviolable treaty
with him.
15 The consort of the Yuvaraja3, Tissa by name, the Queen,
16 bore a daughter, named Sarngha, and his other consort Kitti
17 bore likewise four sons and a daughter. Then the King
thought: under these circumstances4 my younger brother will
18 be reliable for me, and he took careful counsel with his
ministers and prudently married the beautiful daughter of the
19 Yuvaraja, Samgha by name, to his own sonKassapa, Dakkhi$a~
desa (the South Province) he granted in like manner to his
younger brother, but to the Prince (Kassapa) he made over
20 a special share of his own revenues and assigned him all the
1 The son of Sena II. was Kassapa, later King Eassapa V. In an
inscription of Anuradhapora lie expressly says of himself: dunv sdndhi
me yum-raj Mse^-siri pamand "who at the same time that he was born
(P. jemfta), received the consecration as yuraraja". WICKREMASIHGHE,
E2L I. 42ff« As to the difference between the Cllavs. and the
inscrip-
tion regarding the title upur^fa and yuvarQj&.seei note to v. 15.
2 P. upayena* W.: cunningly.
3 As the reconciliation between Sena and Mahinda has taken place
the latter regains his rights as heir apparent, Dakkhinadesa (v. 19} being
assigned him for the same reason* The more formal "dignity of uparaja
which is generally associated with that of yumraj% remained apparently
with the son of King Sena,
* P. warn $tUii if he (the king) so acts as he inlands, and as he acts
subsequently, after holding counsel with his ministers: by kinship
through marriage*51.26 Sena II
149
extraordinary revenues in the kingdom1. But the administra-
tion of the whole island he looked after (himself), concerned
for the welfare of the Island. In consequence of the living 21
together of the twain (Kassapa and Saingha) who performed
meritorious works, sons and daughters were born, endowed
with the qualities of power and virtue.
Once when the Ruler with all pomp was holding high 22
festival for the Tooth Relic, he ascended the splendid Ratana-
pasada and when he beheld the pedestal of the golden Buddha 23
empty whereon formerly the image stood2, he asked why that
was so. Thereupon Ms councillors replied: "Knowest thou 24
not 0 Ruler! that in the time of the great King thy
uncle3, 0 Sovereign! the Pa$
of the Island?" When the Bang heard that, he was ashamed, 26
as if he himself had suffered the defeat, and gave orders the
selfsame day to his councillors to collect troops4.
1 According to the reading of the CoL Ed. rajjam pi sdbbam toss' eva
paribTiogaya dapayi one would have to translate: "also he assigned him
the whole kingdom for the drawing of his income". Eajja might mean
that part of the Island that was later called Bdjarattha and still later
Patittharattha, but that would have been monstrous, since Sena would
thereby have deprived himself of all rights and of nearly all his re-
venues. It would be difficult too to see how what is said in 19 c d
could be distinguished from what is contained in v. 20 a b. The point
here lies I believe, in the little word pan in paribhoga* It implies the
idea of "more" of "acquisition" "addition to something" (Of. BE., Wtb.
s. v. pan 2 a 8), thus paribhoga stands in contrast to the simple bhoga
of the preceding line.
2 Without doubt the passage must be so translated, although the
construction is not without difficulty. Cf. 50, 34 with the note.
3 The uncle of Sena II., his predecessor Sena L is here described as
"great father" (mdhdpita). The elder brothers of the father are thus
described, the younger brothers being called "little father" (cnlapitd).
See note to 63* 51.
4 ilie successful war of Sena II. against the Pan^us is mentioned in
several inscriptions. The King is called Siri Sangbo (so in the inscr. of
Bilibeva, of Etaviragolleva and Elleveva, WICKREMASITOHE, EZ* IL 39,44 IF.;
BKLL, ASd, VII th Progress Rep. = XIII. 1896, p. 45). The four Sin-
halese sources also relate the victory over the Pan$us and the regaining
of the drum of victory and the jewelled goblet which they had captured.150,
Seria II
51.27
27 Now at that time, there arrived a son of the Pa^idu King
who ill-treated by the king, hstd made the resolve to gain
28 the kingship for himself. When the King (Sena) saw him he
rejoiced greatly, treated him as was meet1, betook himself
then to the seaport Mahatittha2 and while he sojourned there,
29 collected a great force as well as all the appliances of war
30 completely3, like to a war-equipped army of the gods. Then
the glorious (Prince) commanded his Senapati together with
the son of the Pa^du King thus: "Arise, slay the Pa$cju King,
31 bring hither all the jewels formerly carried away from here,
transfer to him the royal dignity and come hither again
32 at once". The Senapati declared himself ready to do so, bade
farewell to the Euler, - took the army and set sail on the
33 spot. He came then to the opposite coast with his whole
army and train and laying waste the neighbouring country,
34 surrounded the town of Madhura, He blockaded the gates,
cut off all traffic and set fire to towers, bastions and gates4.
35 When thus the Slhala army had penetrated his town, pillaging
36 the whole (town) and slaughtering the garrison, then the
Paplu King at the news, collected his army, came on in haste
37 and opened fight. But as his troops were not complete the
Ruler who riding on the back of an elephant was himself
38 wounded by a spear, left the town to its fate, took flight and
lost his life at the place whither he had betaken himself. His
consort who had come with him also found (her) death.
39 Thereupon the Sihala army which had fearlessly entered the
1 I. e. he fulfilled all the duties due to a guest of royal blood.
2 Now'Mantai (Mantota) in the Mannar District.
3 P* anSnam Is adverb.
4: S. gfipuratt&dkotthafa. According to tlie description of the plan
of. an Indian fortress-given in Kautalya's Arthasastra, 2. 3. 21, gopura
means a bastion-like structure above the gates, while attala Is a tower
built on the wall* Cf. aUalaudMmayariMadmi DhCo. III. 48816 and
pdfr&rapari'khaattdlcikddini JaOo. YL 34131, with which is meant the
whole fortification of a town; also p&kdro gopurattdldko JaCo. YL 4331.
DmrattMa .also occurs in P. (Dipava. 13. 21;' 22. 10 and 19); JiCo. YI.
S901 iiEtinguishes this last from ttntarattdlaka. Thus dvdratiala is al-
most synonymous .with gopura.
. ?51.51 Sena II
.151
town, plundered it completely, as the gods the town of the
asuras1. The Senapati thereupon Inspected the treasures in 40
the royal palace; and all the valuables which had been carried
away from our island, as well as that found in the town and 41
in the country, he took for himself and carried on the administra-
tion which he had seized. Hereupon he, consecrated the son of 42
the Pandu King and transferred the country to him with cele-
bration of the (customary) festivities. He took elephants and 48
horses and men also, as he pleased, and stayed here and there
at his pleasure, from no side threatened. Then he betook 44
himself to the sea-coast, sojourned there so long as he chose,
embarked with unruffled calm, as if for amusement, came to 45
Mahatittha, greeted the Ruler respectfully, gave a report and
showed him the treasures he had brought along. "Good", 46
said the King, showed him favour and entered the capital
with his joyful army. He held a victory banquet and cele- 47
brated a festival of victory and instituted a great offering for
beggars according to their hearts' desire. He restored all
48
valuable property in the Island as it was heretofore, without
partiality, and the golden images he set up in the places
where they belonged. The empty pedestal (of the statue) of 49
the Master in the Batanapasada he filled again2 and he made
the country secure by setting up guards against every danger.
From that time onward he made the Island hard to subdue 50
by the foe and made it increase in wealth like the land of
the Uttarakurus3. Living beings on the Island who in the 51
time of the former king had been in distress, felt themselves
delivered in that they came to peace as from heat into the
shade of clouds.
1 -Tie Indian epics speak of three towns of the asuras. They are
built by. the demon Maya of gold, silver and stone, in Heaven, in tie
firmament and on the earth. Siva destroys them with fire and is' there-
fore named tripuraghna, tripur<$ahana, tnpurahan etc,' See BE. s. v.in-
pura; HOPKIHS, Epic Mythology, p. 50. . ' ' ,
2 By setting tip the recaptured Image.* '
3 A mythical people of sages and seers who live beyond the Hima-
laya. Their country is often held to b^ the land of bliss. . HOPKINS,
Epic Mythology, .p. 186. ? '
. '152 Sena II
51.52
52 In the twentieth year of his reign, in the Abhayuttara-
vihara the Pamsukulika bhikkhus separated and formed special
53 groups1. The4 Yuvaraja Mahinda had built for the Prince of
54 trees of the Master a beautiful, wonderful, graceful temple. The
carpenters who were building .tie Bodhi house V noticed that
a branch of the sacred Bodhi Tree by striking on a beam,
55 threatened to break3. They considered what should be done,
and informed the Yuvaraja (of the matter). He came hither,
reverenced (the tree) with a great sacrificial offering (and said):
56 "If the Master is born for the salvation of all living beings,
as one that accepts the priceless merit which lies in the buil-
57 ding of the temple4, then let the branch bend upwards so
that it is possible to build the temple." Having thus favorably
58 influenced it and done it reverence he went home. Then the
branch on the Prince of trees during the night bent upwards
59 and all the workmen made it known to their master. The
Yuvaraja was highly delighted, told his brother, the King,
and reverenced (the tree) with a great sacrificial offering for
60 which he spent much money. Having built the parive$a called
Mahindasena he made it over to the community together with
1 See note to 47. 66. Here we must keep strictly to the MSS. reading
ganahesum (for which ganahesum In some MSS. is merely a frequently
recurring Inaccurate spelling). The alteration into gatdtiesum of the
CoL Ed. is poor. ?fana means a group of persons closely assotiated for
the pursuit of common aims, a corporation, here an independent branch
of bMkkhus, a sect. WILSON, Diet, in Skr. and EngL, gives for gana etc.
also the meaning "a sect in philosophy or religion". Cf. also ganassa
mttha Samyutta I. 66*** 31.
* See note to 38. 43,
* For IthMantam cf. Oulavs. ed. I. p, XV,
* Here we have a, saceakiriya (Mhvs* trsL p. 125, note 3} of which
the formula is: as certainly as this or that is the case, so certainly
will ihis or that occur. W. changes the-subject between 1. and 2. In
line 2 he takes "1" as subject: "and if 1y the building of this
house..»
I shall gain merit," That is impossible. In such a ease aham would not
be absent. The Idea Is rather this; The building of the temple Is an
offering, a p^jd which the Master ? mU&a remains the subject ?? shall
graciously accept In It there lies at the same time great merit, of
coarse for the builder. Hence the work is described as punfta.51.72
Sena II
153
the (needful) revenues and accumulated still further merit. He 61
dispensed raiment, umbrellas, shoes which had come to him-
self1, further rice for wayfaring (bhikkhus)2 and baths with
cheer. After the mighty Prince had thus carried out all kinds 62
of works of inferior merit, he passed away in the thirty-third
year of the King's reign in accordance with his doing.
He being dead, the King set his younger brother Udaya 63
in his place and assigned him all that had belonged to the
other. With an offering equal to the weight of his body he 64=
comforted the poor and the helpless and by a regulative act
he, at the same time, reformed the three fraternities. He had 65
a thousand jars of gold filled with pearls and on the top of
each he placed a costly jewel and presented (it) to a thousand 66
brahmaxias whom he had fed with milk rice in pure jewelled
goblets, as well as golden threads3. He clothed them also, 67
as a friend of meritorious works, with new garments at their
hearts' desire, and gladdened them with festive pomp. To the 68
bhikkhus dwelling on the Island he dispensed the three gar-
ments, and presented all the women with quite exquisite rai-
ment. Having restored the Lohapasada so that it resembled 69
the Vejayanta palace4 he brought thither5 an image of the
Buddha of closely jointed gold mosaic6. When he heard that 70
the pasada had been an Uposatha house for all the great
sages, he made it into a dwelling for the community with the
wish that it should never stand empty. He assigned it main- 71
tenance villages, placed guards and ordered that thirty-two
bhikkhus should dwell there. On the (Mahavlluka-)ganga he 72
1 Cf. with sapatisambhattam vattJiam the phrase savattham pa-
ttsambhattam in 52. 14.
2 "Yin. I. 292 has dgantuJcabhatta "rice food for newly
arrived
bhikhhus" and gamikdbhatta beside g&dndbhdtta. These are the monks
who are unable to live by pimtlapdta, that is the almsfood collected on
the regular mendicant round.
3 The idea here is of the cotton thread which, according to brah-
manical rite, the three highest castes wear over the shoulder. In this
case these were evidently interwoven with gold thread.
4 See note to 48, 186. 5 See note to 50. 66.
s P, suvannaghanakottimam; cf. DhGo. iv. 18516; Mhva. 30. 97,154
Sena II 51.73
tad the Ma^imethala dam built and on the Manihira tank he
73 built an outlet for the water. At Katthantanagara he dammed
up the Kanavapi1 (tank) and on the Cetiya mountain he built
74 a hospital2. The Buddhagama-vihara, the Mahiyangana-vihara3
and the Kutatissa-Tihara4 he enriched with a maintenance
75 village. To the Mandalagiri-vihara5 he made over villages
which belonged to himself and in the Uttaralha-parivena6 he
76 built a pasada. To the Mahasena7 Buddha he granted a vil-
lage and gave it watchmen, in the Sobbha-vihara he built an
77 image house. He brought figures of Bodhisattas into the
Manimekhala-pasada and the ruined temple of the stone statue
78 of the Prince of Sages8 he restored. The King united tliere-
1 Here it is a case of restoring the dam, as tlie tank itself existed
already at the time of Sena I. Of. 50. 72.
2 P. veyjasatfi, lit. hall of physicians. The sick there found medical
assistance.
3 Now Aiutnuvara on the right bank of the Mahaveliganga in the
Bintenne district. Evidently an ancient place of worship, probably
already in pre-Aryan times, if the tale related in Mhvs. 1. 14?43
rests on any kind of tradition. The thupa in Alutnuvara is held to be
the oldest in the Island, The Dutchman Spilberg saw it in the year 1602
in good condition, white as marble and crowned by a gilded pyramid
(See: TKKKEKT, Ceylon EL 421). This was certainly not its original form.
In TBNHEKT'S time it lay in a ruinous condition "a huge semicircular
mound of brickwork three hundred and sixty feet in circumference, and
still one hundred feet high, but so much decayed at the top, that its
original outline is no longer ascertainable". Later the thupa was ap-
parently repaired in the usual way by a casing. When we visited
Mahiyangana it lay again in ruins. The year before the southern half
had been pulled down and the relic chamber also destroyed. What it
contained in the way of votive gifts, as far as I saw these, belonged
to more modern times.
4 Mentioned as Kututisa-rad-mahaveher in the pillar inscription
of Mahinda IV. in Folonnarava, Raja-Maligavaj EZ. IL 60, the reading
of the name is however, not quite certain.
5 For this see note to 46. 29*
6 See 50. 77.
7 This means most likely the Buddha image in the Mahasena-vifaara.
For this c£ note to 48. 8.
s See note to S8. 61.51.85 Sena II
155
with the Bodhisatta with the temple1. Having dammed up2
(anew) the irrigation trench of the Prince of trees lie held
a great festival. He had the whole of the Ratanasutta3 written 79
down upon a golden plate and held for it a great sacrificial
festival. He had the Abhidhamma recited. The image of 80
Ananda4 he brought into the town, walked round it facing
to the right5 and made the community of the bhikkhus recite
the Paritta6 in the usual way. By sprinkling with the Paritta 81
water the King charmed people against illness and so removed
the danger of plague from his "country. After receiving the 82
consecration at the Hemavaluka-cetiya7 he decreed in writing
that this action should be performed every year. On the four 83
Uposatha days in the month lie dispensed to four thousand
(persons) a gift of garments and rice food to boot. The Ve- 84
sakha festival he celebrated8 in common with the poor, giving
them food and drink and clothing as they desired. For the 85
1 The passage is not clear. It seems to deal with the affiliation of
the Manimekhalapasada to the shrine of the Silamayabuddha. It is
curious that in v. 77 Bodhisattas are mentioned, whereas in v.78 only one
Bodhisatta is spoken of. According1 to an inscription in Jetavana the
Minimevula-xnaha-paha was built by the grandfather of Mahinda IV.
(EZ. L 214).
2 Such a trench had already been dug by Mahanaga according to 41.94.
3 Sutta I in the Culavagga of the Suttanipata (v. 222 ff.) This Sutta
exists also in "Sanskrit" in the Mahavastu (ed. SEHAKT I. 290 ff.).
4 Ananda was the Buddha's favourite disciple and his constant com-
panion. What portrait of him is meant, and where it used to be for-
merly we do not know.
5 W. translates: "and carried it in procession round about the city".
But it Is impossible to get this meaning out of katvd padaMMnam.
6 See note to 46. 5.
7 The same as the Mahathffpa (in Anuradhapura), now Rnvanvfili
Dagofoa.
8 Tradition places the parinibbana of the Buddha on the day of foil
moon of Vesakha (April-May). See Mhvs. 3. 2; FLEET, IRAS. 1909,
p. 6 ff. The Vesakhapuja is often mentioned in the Mhvs., thus 32. 35,
35* 100. It was a favourite day for specially solemn actions such as
the crowning of King Devanampiyatissa (Mhvs. 11. 42), the laying of
the foundation stone of the. Mahathupa. (Mhvs. 29.1) etc.156
Udaya II 51. 86
bblkkhu community of tlie Island lie instituted a permanent
offering and the poor, travellers and beggars he comforted by
86 gifts. The Makes! of the King, Samgha by name, built in
the Abhayuttara(-vihara) the building called Samghasena-
87 pabbata1 together with the (necessary) reyenues. She pla-
ced a dark blue jewel diadem on the stone image of the
Prince of Sages and Instituted at great cost.a sacrificial festival
88 for the Master (Buddha). His Senapati, the hero Kutthaka2
by name, built the parive^a called Senasenapati with great
89 revenues. Thus the glorious (prince) with his court performed
many meritorious works and entered in the thirty-fifth year
of his reign3 into the world of the gods.
90 Thereupon his next youngest brother, the nobleman TJdaya*
by name, became king, concerned in every way for the wel-
1 Different from the Samghasenarama named 50. 70 (see note here)
which belonged to the Mahavihara. Cf, also note to 52. 45.
2 Here again inscriptions offer a valuable confirmation of our Chro-
nicle. The Senevirad Kuttha = Senapati Kutthaka and the Sene-
virad Pirivena = Senasenapati-parivena are mentioned in the Rambeva
inscription as well as in the Iripinniyeva inscription. (WICKREMASINGHE,
EZ. I. 164, 175). In my edition I have given the name of the Senapati
in the form Tuttbaka, as all my MSS. read thus. Now however, I am
more inclined to regard the difference as being due, less to varying
tradition, than to a slip of the pen, as BELL has already done, ASC.
VII th Progress Rep. 1891 = XIIL 1896 p. 59 n. 2. Cf. Errata et Corri-
genda, Culavs. ed, II. We may thus change Tutthakandmako into
"Kuttlicikandmako which is also the reading according to WICKKEMASINGHE,
of a MS. in the Indian Institute at Oxford.
3 Pujav. 35 years, also Rajav.
* Without doubt the inscriptions of Iripinniyeva and Rambeva (EZ.
I. 163 ff., 172 ff.) belong to this king, Udaya II. (as I have, otherwise
Udaya L). In these the king calls himself Salamevan = Silamegha-
vaniaa, which would not fit Kassapa IV., as his biruda was Sirisamgha-
bodhi. The king in the Kirigalleva and Noccipotana inscriptions (EZ.
IL I ff. 5ff.) of the 2 nd and 9 th years of his reign has the same name.
He is mentioned as a brother of Kassapa (IV.) in the Moragoda and the
Timbiriveva inscriptions. See note to 52. 1. The Negama inscr* (EZ.
II. 14 ff.) dates from the time before Udaya's (II.) ascent of the throne,
as he still calls himself there Ud a M ah a pa i. e. Udaya Maha dip a da.
This Udi Maha pi cannot be Udaya IIL who reigned later (Uda51.100
Udaya II 157
fare of the islanders. While himself king, lie raised his 91
youngest brother Kassapa to the rank of Mahadipada. The 92
King considered that one should show favour to his kindred
and gave his brother's son (likewise) called Kassapa, the
93
daughter of the Tuvaraja (Kassapa), Sena by name, to wife.
The King himself took the other (daughter) called Tissa1.
The son of the (former) Uparaja, Mahinda, and of the 94
princess Kitti, the Adipada Kittaggabodhi, the deluded one,
rebelled Against the great King, escaped by night and came 95
alone in undiscovered disguise to Roha$a. He brought all the 96
people into his power, laid waste the whole province and had his
maternal uncle* who dwelt there murdered. When the Monarch 97
heard this he was filled with rage and sought a means of
bringing him hither. He summoned the son of his brother, 98
the Yuvaraja Kassapa3, and spake to him thus: "Most ex-
cellent One, thou must be my helper". Said the other: "What 99
shall I do?" The Ruler replied: "Thy son, the powerful
Mahinda, has become a man. He has from his father and 100
his mother a claim on the province of Roha$a4. He is brave,
Ma hay a, note to 53.13), because apart from palaeographical reasons,
the reigning king in the Negama inscr. has the biruda Sirisangbo. This
fits Sena II. whose yuvaraja was Udaya II. but not Dappula IV. Sila-
meghavanna the predecessor of Udaya III.
1 The Mahadipada or Yuvaraja Kassapa is the king who reigns later
as Kassapa IV.; the son of Udaya's brother (Sena II.) is the later Kassapa
V.
2 The brothers of Kitti, the mother of Kittaggabodhi, were according
to 50. 50 ff. Sassapa, Sena and Udaya. It is the first of these probably
who is meant here.
3 With the reading yuvarajassa which is accepted in the Col. Ed.
nothing can be done. We must decide therefore for the reading yu-
varajam sa. Still the designation of the brother's son (bhdtuputta) of
Udaya II. as yuvaraja is curious. In the verse 93 not this Kassapa is
called yuvaraja, but on the contrary, the youngest brother of the King,
who is likewise called Kassapa. Nevertheless according to the Sinhalese
law of succession, the nephew Kassapa was heir to the throne after
the brother, and probably for that reason he is here, in anticipation,
called yuvaraja.
4 On the father's side, because Mahinda's fa.th.er Kassapa
(later
Kassapa V.) was the son of Samgha, the daughter of the Eohana prince
Kittaggabodhi, and on the mother's side because his mother, the younger
Samgha, was a daughter of Tissa and thus granddaughter of the same
Ag^abodhi.158 Udaya II
51.101
able, a hero, adroit, skilful in the management of the bow,
101 warlike, discerning, prudent and experienced in statecraft. We
will send him to bring the villain hither who slew his uncle.1'
102 When Kassapa heard the King's words he spake full of re-
verence: **0 King, summoned by the King, I would myself
103 go, how much more so my son. My line is safe and thy good
graces1, 0 Monarch; do therefore, that time be not lost, what
104 thou desirest." When the Ruler of men heard his words he
rejoiced greatly, had a great force completely equipped and
105 gave orders to the general Vajiragga2 to take the young
106 prince Mabinda with great care under his protection. Having
thereby made the town empty as it were, he gave the whole
army and train with all the appliances of war to Mahinda.
107 The Ruler of men himself accompanied him on foot and en-
joined him: "0 excellent One, go hence and defend the king-
108 dom." Mahinda shone glorious as great Indra3 when he set
forth at the head of the army of the gods for the great battle
109 between gods and demons. He arose and speedily came to
Chittasala4. All the inhabitants, the chiefs of districts, as well
110 as those of the provinces who had been oppressed by the
murderer of his uncle, came hither and joined him thinking:
111 our (lawful) lord has arrived. The rebel who was in Giri-
1 The sense is: so long as I enjoy thy favour the continuance of
my family is assured. Therefore I shall always fulfil thy desires.
2 A. descendant of a Mekappar Vadarum Vijuragu is mentioned In
the Buddhannehela inscription. As this inscription (see WIPKREMASINGHE,
EZ. I 191 £) belongs in all probability to the time of Kassapa V., the
Vijuragn named there may well be our Vajiragga. In the same in-
scription there is mention ofaViduragu and in the Moragoda inscrip-
tion of Kassapa V. of a Vadura in the same connection, possibly
variants of the same name. BELL, ASG., ¥11 th Progress Eep. (= XIIL
1896), p. 60.
3 Punning comparison of the name Mahinda with Mahinda, Skr.
Mahendra "the great Indra".
* Now Buttala In the Korale of the same name in the Badulla
District, Province Uva. G-uttasala or -hala is already mentioned at the
time of Dutthagamani. The importance of Guttasala was due to its
lying on a main road which led from Mahagama to Mahiyafigana and
from there along the Mahavalokaganga to Pulatthinagara, The older
form for the name Buttala is Gruttala. It occurs for instance, in the
Sinhalese Thtpavamsa (eel W. DHAUMABATAXA, 1889, p, 133).51.125
Udaya II 159
ma^dala1, lost courage; he seized all valuable royal property 112
and withdrew with elephants and steeds to Malaya. Matin da's
army defeated his army at different places pursued it on foot, 113
and when it caught sight of the elephants and the horses,
seized them before Malaya, and convinced that he was there, 114
entered Malaya, hewing down the whole wilderness of forest
of Malaya and making rivers and tanks (look) like roads.
When the fool saw the people (advance), he overcome by fury, 115
flung all his treasures into rivers, bogs, chasms and the like
and hid himself alone in the forest in a rock cave. People who 116
sought him found the ruthless one and captured him. Full of
joy the people took him with them, came with haste and show- 117
ed him to Mahinda who had halted in Guttasala. When the latter 118
saw him he asked him laughing: uWell hast thou enjoyed
Roha$a?" and gave him in charge to Vajiragga the King's
general. He himself took the army and betook himself to 119
Mahagama2. He became ruler of Roha^a, showing kindness
to the people. He saw to it that the people who had been 120
oppressed by the fool recovered, and he restored the Buddha
Order which had been injured by him, to the place (befitting
it). He laid out gardens of fruit and flowers at divers places, 121
enclosed tanks and dammed up the Mahaaadi3. Everywhere 122
he brought the four necessaries within reach of the (bbikkhu)
community. By keeping down the evil-minded district chiefs and
the chiefs of the provinces, and by rooting out the rebels and 123
making (the country) free from briers, he made the whole people
content, exercising generosity and giving himself up to enjoy-
ment. As one who must be honoured by prudent men and served 124
by those who wish for their own advantage, he was like to a
wishing tree4, a dispenser of blessings for all the needy. He 125
1 Corresponds perhaps to the modern Kandapalla^Korale. embracing
the hill country to. the west of Buttala, south of the Koslaa&a-Haldu-
mulla road. , . . .
2 At that time .the capital of Rohana. Of. note to 45. 42.
a Perhaps name of the Menik-ganga?
4 P. fcapparukkha- = skr.' kalpavr'k&a. For tbe Indian tales .about
heavenly trees-winch'.fulfil wishes and offer mankind all that it needs
and desires, see HOPKJHS, Epic Mythology, 7,160
Udaya II 51.126
abandoned the evil conduct practised by former rulers, and topk
up his abode there, cherishing justice._
126 The General (Vajiragga) took the Adipada (Kittaggabodhi)
with him and betook himself to Anuradhapura and showed
127 him to the King, When the King saw him he was furious,
had him at once thrown into prison, appointed a secure guard
128 for him and ill-used him in all kinds of ways. Three times
he the glorious one gave an offering (of rice) equal to his
body weight and he had the thupa in the Thuparama covered
129 with golden plates. There too he built a pasada and caused a
bhikkhu community to dwell there. In vihara and town he
130 restored what was ruined. On the Kadamha-river1 he provided
an overflow of water with a strong weir, and lie enlarged
131 the dam of the Mayetti-tank, There too the Monarch built
an overflow of water and every year2 he had distributed
beautiful, specially fine stuffs for (the making of) the robes.
132 During a famine he had alms-halls built for all living beings
and instituted a great alms-giving; he also enlarged the Maha-
133 pali(-hall). Amongst the inmates of the three fraternities
he had rice with sour milk distributed, as well as rice
continuously for the destitute and rice soup with solid food.
134 Having thus performed these and other meritorious works
which lead to Heaven, he entered after reigning eleven years3,
135 into the company of the gods. The gold that he had spent in
these eleven years was estimated at thirteen hundred thousand
(kahapaijas).
136 Thus after these two Rulers of men had brought into their
power the one the formidable Paijdu King, the other Roha$a
with its terrible wildernesses, they themselves fell into the
power of death.
Here ends the fifty-first chapter, called "The History of
the Two Kings", in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene
joy and emotion of the pious.
* See note to 41. 61.
2 Anuvassam belongs to dapayi, not to akd as W. has it.
3 The same number of years In Pujav. In Rajav. on the other hand,
40 years. Both sourees, as well as Rajaratn. ascribe to King Udaya the
building of the Mahatmnburuppe-vihara in Rohana* Udaya IL is men-
tioned under the name of Udli Abhay in the Moragoda inscription
where he is credited with having subdued Robana and Malaya. BELL,
ISC. Tilth Progress Rep. 1891 (= XIII. 1896), p. 60 ff. WICKREMASINGHE,
EZ. I. 200 C See also note to 5L 90.IZassapa IF
161
CHAPTER LII
THE TWO KINGS
Thereupon Kassapa1 took over the government and as- 1
signed to the discerning Yuvaraja called Kassapa2 (the Sou-
thern Province) Datkhi^adesa. The consecration as chief 2
queen3 he conferred on the daughter of the Yuvaraja, the
princess Tissa who was his consort. For mendicant artists4 3
who came from different regions the King dispensed per-
manently an offering which was called Da$dissara.
The Adipada Mahinda who sojourned at that time in Ro- 4
ha$a, advanced with forces to seize the Royal Province5. At 5
the tidings thereof the indignant King sent his own army
against him, but Mahinda, a great warrior, defeated it in
battle. Thereupon the King to prevail upon him to turn back, 6
1 Several inscriptions date from tlie time of Kassapa IV. as for in-
stance, the Moragoda inscription just mentioned (note to 51.134) where
Kasub Sirisangbo is described as brother (sohovur) of Uda Abhay
(= Udaya II.) Also in the inscription of Timbiriveva (EZ. II. 9 ff.).
In
the inscription of the Kiribat-vehera (EZ. I. 153 ff.) the King calls him-
self merely Sirisangbo, as also in the Mahakalatteva, Kongolleva and
Inginimitiya inscriptions (E. MULL.EK, AIC. nr. 110, 112, 113), also in the
Negama inscr. (EZ. II. 14 fif.), in that of Kukurumahandamana (ib. II.
2Iff.
as also in that of Alutveva which WICKREMASINGHE (ib. II. 230) ascribes
for palaeographic reasons to Kassapa IV.
2 The son of Sena II. See note to 51. 98.
3 P. aggabhiseka means the same as abHseka as aggamahesi,
4 YdcaJcanam sipplnam belong together, the first being in apposition
to the last, ca joins the sentence with the preceding one. Cf. 58. 30;
60. 22.
5 P. rajino rattham. Here for the first time the name Ea$®ratt"ha
occurs in a less conventional form. It means in the sequel northern
Ceylon with Anuridhapnra and PulattMnagara as capitals as distinguished
from, Bohana and from Dakkhinadesa, the province of the Yuvaraja.
11162 Kassapa IV
52.7
7 sent forth his father, the Yuvaraja Kassapa. The latter be-
took himself to his son, made all kinds of prudent remon-
strances accompanied by various instructive tales, induced the
8 son to give up the fight and then returned. But later the
Adipada (Mahinda) had (several) chiefs of districts executed,
and when he saw that the people rose in rebellion, he approach-
9 ed the capital. The bhikkhu community brought him to
the King and presented him to him. The King gave him his
daughter to wife and sent him back to Roha^a.
10 When the King had expelled those bhikkhus in the three
fraternities whose discipline was bad, he let new bhikkhus
11 take up their abode here and there. Through his nephew1
who was born of the twice consecrated queen2 he had
amid celebration of a sacrifice the soil about the Bodhi
12 Tree in the Mahavihara increased. In the three frater-
nities he put up three stone images, thereto boards of gold
IB with rays and umbrellas, as well as diadems jewels3. Having
built in the Abhayagiri-vihara a pasada with his name4, he
1 P. sununa. The brother's son is called "son", just as the father's
brother is called "father". See note to 51. 24.
2 The title p. dmydbMse"kajata or dmyabkiselcasamjata (v. 37) is
applied to Kassapa (afterwards K. V.), the son of Sena II. by Samgha,
a daughter of Kittagabodhi (1) and of Deva. Kassapa V. has the same
title in the Sinhalese form ddmemjd in an inscription of Annradhapura
(WICKREMASINGHE EZ. L 50, note 17), as well as in the Medirigiriya inscr.
(EZ. II. 30: deMsevhuda) and in that of Bilibeva (EZ. II. 41: debisevadG).
According to W. (Mhvs.trsL, p. 78, n. 11} the epithet debisavajd also oc-
cours in the signature to the Dampiya-atu?a-gatapada.
3 The passage is certainly difficult, but the emendations of the Col.
Ed. are much too arbitrary. In the first place tlni bimbe sttamaye is
quite unobjectionable. We have in the same way Mhvs. 41. 58 pitake
tini. Even ramsiphalaka needs no alteration. We have merely to rea-
lise that behind the images, as one often sees in the case of bronze
statuettes, boards were fastened on which the rays emanating from the
Buddha (the mandorla) were painted. Suvannaye is more difficult to
place. It probably belongs to the following dvandva-compotmd and is
put in the plural because one is dealing here with two different ob-
jects .. Perhaps one should read tathfi rather than tadd.
4 WicKRjMAsomHE (EZ. I. 216) identifies with this the Kasub-md-maha-
paha mentioned in an inscr. of Mahinda IV. in the Jetavanaraxna.52.23
Kassapa IV
163
made bhikkhus dwell there and assigned them a village* To 14
the cetiya in the Mahiyanga^a-vihara1 he granted a village;
and to all the bhikkhus he distributed his own garments as
they had come to him2. To all creatures on land and water 15
he granted safety and observed in all respects the conduct of
the ancient kings. His Senapati, Sena Ilanga, who was of 16
royal lineage, built for the bhikkhus of the Thera School a
dwelling in the west of the Thuparama. For the Dhamma- 17
rucika bhikkhus he founded the Dhammarama and for the
Sagalikas3 the (monastery) called Kassapasena*. On the Cetiya 18
mountain he built the perive$a called Hadayu^ha and made
it over to the Dhammarucika bhikkhus. For grove-dwelling 19
bhikkhus5 the General built in the groves here a hut and
there a hut and gave them to them. On the Eattamala moun- 20
tain he built a pleasing, agreeably, charming hut and handed
it over to the ascetics, the Masters of the Order6. In the 21
Mahavihara he had the splendid parive^a called Samuddagiri
built and made it over to the Pamsukulika bhikkhus7. Having 22
made a dwelling in the wilderness8 called after his family, lie
granted it to the bhikkhus in the Mahavihara who dwelt in
the forests. In ruined viharas he had renovations undertaken 23
and to all bhikkhus he gave patches for their worn out gar-
1 See note to 5L 74.
2 See 51. 61 with note.
3 The two sects are also mentioned together in 39. 41.
4 Mentioned asKasub-senevirad-pirivena in the Bilibeva inscr.
of Easaapa V. (EZ. II. 40).
5 The aramika bhikkhavo must not be confounded with the monastery
servants which are called ardmikd (see note to 37. 63). The term coin-
cides with aranndka bMkkfaaw or is at any rate closely allied to it.
Of. 52. 22 and 64.
6 P, sdmnassa samikdnam reminds one of the honorific title vai-
Mmiyd occurring not infrequently in inscriptions, (of. EZ. L 33, 1. 12;
48S L 29 etc.) or UJc-sang-h. (EZ. L 91, L 13; 92, 1. 17 etc.) or merely
lw%a (EZ. L 94, E, I. 1).
7 See note 47, 66.
8 By aranna is meant the tapmana (see 53.14 ff.)> the forest district
to the west of Annradhapnra in which the group of the so-call@d Western
Monasteries lies. On these rains see A. M. HOCART, ASC. Mem. L 18 ff.
II*164 Sassapa IF
52.24
24 ments. The Tissarama1 he built as a home for bhikkhunls and
entrusted these with the care of the sacred Bodhi Tree in the
25 lfarica¥atti(-vihara). In Anuradhapura and also in Pulatthina-
gara he had hospitals built for combating the upasagga disease2.
26 To the dwellings that he had built (for priests3) he granted
maintenance villages and villages which were bound to provide
helpers for the monastery4, and ornaments for the images.
27 He built houses where medicine was to be had in different
parts of the town and to the mothers of the Pamsukulika
28 (-bhikkhus) he dispensed rice and clothing. Many quadrupeds
were freed by the Senapati from their captivity, and to the
29 poor he had large offerings dispensed. Having brought together
spices, rice, broth, and all kinds of solid nourishment, he
30 distributed sugar to the bhikkhus in the form of pigs5. In
performing these and other meritorious works Sena, the gene-
ral of the army, illumined the land with the moonlight beams
31 of his glory. A kinsman of his, the general Eukkha by name6,
built in the village of Savaraka a very charming vihara and
32 handed it over to the inmates of the Mahavihara, laying down
as the best (requisite) for the attainment of the degrees
33 of salvation the strictest fulfilment of duty7. The Grand ,
1 Mentioned In the Ayitigeveva inscription of Kassapa V. (EZ. II. 34).
2 Of. also 52.77. What disease was meant by upasagga is impossible
to determine. According to JOLLY, Medizin, p. 48, 87, the Skr. word
upasarga means: "sequelae" or "complication". According to BR. it
denotes "possession". Perhaps upasagga is just any kind of epidemic,
as "influenza" with us.
3 W. connects attand "katdndsdnam with the vejjasdld mentioned in
the preceding verse and translates: "to these buildings". That this is
wrong is proved by the mention of the helpers of the monastery and
of the images. 4 P. drdmikagdme. See note to 37. 63.
5 It will be as well on the whole to keep to the reading of the
MSS.: sukararupam. Crula always means sugar kneaded into a shape.
We have to do here with some kind of form (cf. our sugarZoaf) which
may have had very little likeness to a pig.
6 I see no reason for altering the traditional MS. rendering rukkha-
scwhayam into rakJchasavhayam, Eukkha reminds one of the Skr. ruJcsa
meaning "rough".
7 A difficult passage. I take sdra in a concrete sense, meaning "the
essential, the highest", here in the plural: the various stages on
the52.38 . Kassapa V
165
Scribe1, Sena by nauie, built in the Mahavihara the Maha-
lekhakapabbata house, an excellent abode for the bhikkhus.
A minister of the King called Colaraja, repaired the charming 34
parivena that had been destroyed, so that it had again solidity.
In the three fraternities the King (himself) had mandapas 35
built, resembling Vejayanta, painted in different colours, in
a fashion (rendered) charming by figure ornaments. And after
he had instituted relic festivals to the delight of the people 36
he passed away in accordance with his deeds after a reign
lasting seventeen years2.
Hereupon the Yuvaraja, Kassapa3 born of the twice 37
consecrated queen4, attained the royal consecration in the
kingdom of Lanka to which he came in order of succession.
He was pious, had reached the path of salvation, wise as one 38
who possesses supernatural powers5, eloquent as the teacher
road to salvation. For the combination saranam patipatti cf, patipatti-
sdro JaOo. .1. 4187. Sddfau "the good, the-right,- the best" is the predi-
cative object of thapetva. It was evidently Rukkha's intention that
the vihara built by him should serve as a padhanagJiara (note to 37. 232).
W.'s translation is too general and vague. The word "daily" inserted
by him is not in the text.
1 He is mentioned as Mahala Sen (== Seno mahaleJcko) in the Ma-
hakalatteva inscr. in which the building of the Nalarama is ascribed to
Mm. See note to 50, 9.
2 Pujav, the same. Rajiv, does not mention Kassapa IV., the only
Kassapa mentioned there is Kassapa V.
3 There is an excellently preserved inscription belonging to this
king in Antiradhapura (WICKBEKASIHGHB, EZ. I. 42 ff.) which confirms a
number of statements made by the Mahavamsa. The Medirigiriya and
the Badannehela inscriptions of the same king are dated in the 3rd year
of his' reign, that of Ayitigeveva in the 5 th year and that of Bilibeva
ixr the 7 th year (EZ. II. 27, 35, 39). In all inscriptions he has the
name
Abba Salamevan = Abbaya Silameghavanna, For the literary work'
ascribed to king Kassapa Y. cf. EL W. CODRXHGTOK,. H. C., p. 38*
4 Cf. note ta 52.11.
s P. sabfunno..The five aWunma are: 1) magic power, 2) the heavenly
ear, 3) knowledge of the thoughts,, of others, 4) the memory of former
births, 5) the heavenly eye. They are often described in the canonical
works. (Cf. amongst others, SN.-tral. by GEIGBR, IL165fF.). HEILKR, Die
bnddbistificbe Versenkung, p. 26 if. .166
Kassapa V 52.39
89 of the gods (Brhaspati), generous as the dispenser of treasure
(Kubera), deeply learned, a preacher of the true doctrine,
practised in all the arts, adroit in proving what is right and
40 what Is not right, versed in statecraft, immovable as the pillar
of a gate, standing firmly in the teaching of the Leader on
the path to delivrance, not to be shaken by all the storms of
41 other opinions, keeping himself free from all evil such as guile,
hypocrisy, pride, a mine of virtues as the ocean (is one) of
42 all jewels. The King who was a moon for the earth, granted
to the Adipada Dappula1, a scion of his house, the rank of
43 yuvaraja. Carrying on the government with the ten (royal)
virtues and with the five means of winning hearts, he pro-
44 tected the world as an only (son)2 of his own. He reformed
the whole Order of the Master by regulative acts, took in
young bhikkhus and thus provided for the filling of the
45 dwellings. The Maricavatti-vihara built by King Dutthagarna^i,
which had been destroyed, he restored3, adorned with various
46 dwellings, made it over at the celebration of a festival to the
bhikkhus sprung from the Thera School and granted them,
who were five hundred* (in number), maintenance villages.
47 There the Ruler of Lanka* revealed, as it were, to the world
that Master of the worlds Metteya who in the delectable Tu-
sita Heaven, at the head of the assembly of the gods, preaches
1 See below note to 53.1.
2 P. ek(m va attano, thus all tlie MSS. The Col. Ed. alters the text
arbitrarily into nettavn va attano. But the text gives perfectly good
sense, as a comparison with- 54. 6 shows. EJcam must be supplemented
by ]>uttam. See also notes to 37. 107 and 108.
3 The restoration of the Maricavatti-vihara by Kassapa V. is also
mentioned in the inscription at Anuradhapura (1. 6) cited above (note
to v. 37). Along with Mirisiviti Sangsen-aram and Kasubraj-vehera
are also mentioned there. The former was built, according to 51.86, by the
mother of the King, the latter according to 50.81, was finished by
Sena I. There is no contradiction between the Gulavamsa and the in-
scription. As the association with the. Bfarieavatti shows, it was a case
of renovation with the latter, WICEEEMASIHGHB also translates the verb
karay (ger.) by "(re)built".
4 jTesaw is not as W, thinks (to.five hundred of them) gen. part..,
but obj, to d&p&yi and panca$®t&nam attrib. to temm. .
;52.58 Kassapa V
167
the glorious doctrine of the truth, in that he himself in the 48
perfectly equipped vihara, sitting in a ma^dlapa decorated with
all kinds of jewels, surrounded by all the bhikkhus1 of the 49
town, recited the Abhidhamma with the grace of a Buddha.
He had the Abhidhamma-pi^aka written on tablets of gold, the 50
book Dhammasangaajl2, adorned with all kinds of jewels, and
having built a splendid temple in the midst of the town he 51
placed the book in it and caused festival processions to be held for
it. The position of Sakkasenapati he granted to his own son3 and 52
entrusted him with the care of this sacred book4. Every year 58
the King had the town festively decorated as the town of the
gods, and surrounded by his decked-out army, resplendent as 54
the King of the gods in all his royal robes, riding on the
back of his elephant, he marched through the streets of the
town and brought with great pomp (that book containing) the 55
summary of the true doctrine to the vihara built by himself,
delectable, perfectly equipped. There, in the relic temple, 56
under a graceful jewel-studded ma#(Japa, he placed it on the
relic cushion and held a sacrificial festival. He restored the 57
Gatithakara-parive^a5 in the Mahameghavana, built a hospital
in the town and assigned it villages. In the Abhayagiri(-Ti- 58
hara) he built the Bha$(|ika-parive$a6 and the Silamegha-
1 I regard ndgarehi not as subst, with W,, but as adjective attribute
to bhiklchuhi. The ca joins nisinno with panvarUo.
2 See notes to 37. 225 and 44. 109. I believe that $hamma$am@ani-
&am pottham is in apposition to abMdhammapitakam.
3 Unfortunately we do not learn the name of this son. It cannot
however, be the Mahinda mentioned 51. 99 ff,, as this M. was apparently
,.p* son of Samghl, not of Devi. (Cf. v. 64 and note to 54. 48.)
4 P. dhammapofthaka "a work belonging to the dhamma", the col-
lection of the sacred books.
5 The Ganthakara-vihara is already mentioned In 37. 24$ as the place
of Buddhaghosa's sojourn. It belonged to the Mahavihara- which was
situated in the grove called Mahameghavana. We must. assume there-
fore, that afel. in our. verse is used in a double sense: "restored" and
"built", or we .must translate Gaitfh&kara-parvBtiia by "a parive^a
belonging to the Ganthakara (vihara)"* ? .
6 Evidently called so in honour of his' mother Samghl who has the
name of Sang Banda^ in the Anuradhapura inscription ?(&. 8). EZ. L 23,, n*
6.168 Kassapa V
52.59
59 pabbata1 and granted them villages. In the vihara of the
Jotivana the King, the Sovereign of Lanka, granted to the
eating-house a village, and the same to the one in the Abhaya-
60 giri2. To the vihara called Dakbhi^agiri3 the King who was
filled with the deepest piety, granted out of gratitude a vil-
61 lage. The Sakkasenapati4 had a. graceful pariveija that received
his name, built in a charming fashion and handed it over to-
gether with villages to the adherents of the Thera School.
62 His wife Vajira handed over to the same (bhikkhus) a pari-
ve$a bearing her name which she had built, together with a
68 village. Further she had a home built in Padalaiichana5
and granted it to the bhikkhunis of the universally reverenced
64 Thera School. Deva, the mother of the Sakkasenapati, built
for the bhikkhus who lived in the wilderness6 and who ? were
the light of the Thera stock, a dwelling which received her
65 name. Further she made for the image of the Master in the
Maricavatti a diadem jewel, a net of rays7, an umbrella and
a garment.
66 On the king's demesne the King built a royal dwelling
named after himself, (and) the delightful pasada bearing the
67 name of Palika8. Another consort of the King, called Rajinf,
honoured the Hemamalika-cetiya by the dedication of a co-
68 vering of cloth9. She had a son by name Siddhattha who
1 Again confirmed by the Anuradhapura inscr., 1. 13 (Salameyvan-
pavn). The word pabbata "mountain" often appears at the end of the
names of monastery buildings.
2 The vihara of the Jotivana (see note to 37. 65) is again the Jeta-
vana-vihara situated in the Jotivana. This is shown also by the com-
bination with the Abhayagiri.
3 See note to 38. 50, also 42. 27.
4 The son of the King according to v. 52. 5 Of. 54 44.
6 P. aranHaJcabMMMnam, See notes to 52. 19 and 22.
7 For culclmani and padajala see note to 38. 64.
8 The wording of the text makes it likely that v. 66 deals only with
one building. This was called^ therefore, either Kassapapalika or ori-
ginally Kassapavasa and later, at the time of the author of the passage,
Palikapasada.
s See note to 44. 44. Hemamilika or Ratanavaluka (now Ruvanvali)
is the name for the MahathSpa in Anuradhapura.52.79
Kassapa V 169
being placed over the government here1, was known by the
title of Malayaraja; he was beauteous as the God of Love.
After his death the King built a splendid hall for the bhikkhus 69
and instituted an offering of alms, transferring to him the
merit2 thereof.
While thus the Sovereign of Lanka held sway in justice, 70
the Pa$du King was vanquished in battle by the Cola King,
To gain military aid he sent numerous gifts. The King, the 71
Ruler of Lanka, took counsel with his officials, equipped mill- 72
tary forces, appointed his Sakkasenapati as leader of the troops
and betook himself to Mahatittha. Standing at the edge of 73
the coast he spake of the triumph of former kings and baring
thus aroused their enthusiasm, he made his troops embark,
With his army the Sakkasenapati thereupon safely crossed 74
the sea and reached the Pa^clu country. When the Pamela 75
King saw the troops and him he spake full of cheer: "1 will join
all Jambudlpa under one umbrella". The King took the two 76
armies; but as he could not vanquish him (the King) of the
Cola line, he gave up the fight and retired. The Sakkasena- 77
pati set forth once more, with the purpose of fighting further,
made halt, and died of the npasagga plague3 to the undoing
of the Pa^du (king). When the Euler of Lanka heard 78
the troops were also perishing of the same disease, out of pity
.he had the army brought back4. He then granted the 79.
of Sakkasenapati to the son of. the dead (man). He
VI, e. over the government of the Malaya province.
2 P. pattim. For this term see note to 42. 50.
3 See note-to 52. 25.
4 Therefore the campaign was unsuccessful. The Colaking who van-
quished in battle the Pa^clya king, was no doubt Paruniaka L wL«
ascended the- throne in A. D. 907, In the Udayendiram plates be actu-
ally boasts of having defeated the Pan<]ya king Rajasixnha of baunx
routed an army of the king of Ceylon. This inscription h ttateil In
the 15th year of? Parant^ka's reign (= 921-21 IE another
iiwrl;«t!« n
of his 12th year, noticed by B. B. VKNKAYIA, the king "refer* incident.*]
1>
to am invasion of the Pandya and the king of Ceylon". St*e IJn.iwn,
3RA.S. ISIS, p. 525 f.; H. W. CODRUTGTOH, H*CX p. 88, 52.170
Kassapa F 52.80
80 the latter by making his son leader of the army1. By the
inmates of the three fraternities lie had a Paritta cere-
mony2 observed in the town and thus warded off from
81 Iiis people the danger of plague and bad harvest. Having
thus secured for the Order and for his people "by all manner
of means peace, the King in the tenth year (of his reign)3
entered happily into Heaven.
82 Iven as this ruler of kings, Kassapa, who so long as he
held sway in Lanka, was a reader of the Tipitaka, a'light of
all kaowledge, a ready speaker, a monarch among poets, a
shining light in presence of mind and determination, a teacher,
a saviour, gifted with wisdom, faith and pity, rejoicing in the
welfare of others, wise in knowledge of the world, loyal (to
his people) ? even thus, rich in spotless virtue, should the
whole world be.
Here ends the fifty-second chapter, called "The Two Kings",
in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.
1 W. translates the passage thus: "And then he gave the office of
Sakkasenapati.to his,(the late general's) son, and made him the chief
of the army and brought him up in the father's name."
2 On jWrtffa see note to 46. 5.
a According to Psja?. and Rajav. (here only one Kassapa is named)
the king reigned six years. Both sources relate that under him the
SangS (Piljlv. calls her the mother of the King) enriched the
by providing It with a crowning ornament.Dappula III, IV
171
CHAPTER LIII
THE FIVE KINGS
Thereupon the Yuvaraja by name Dappula1, became king, 1
To the dignity of uparaja he appointed tlie Adipada of his
own name. To the Maricavatti-vihara he granted a village. 2
And then the King who in the town maintained the pious
ways of former kings, unable on account of former deeds2 to 3
enjoy this kingdom for a longer time, fell in the seventh
month (of his reign) into the jaws of death.
The Uparaja Dappula3 then became king after him. He 4
granted the position of yuvaraja to the Adipada Udaya. At 5
1 The nomination by Kassapa Y. of Dappula III. (otherwise B. IV.)
as yuvaraja is related in 52. 42. Neither Pujav. nor Bajav., nor any
other Sinhalese source explains in what relationship he stood to his
predecessor. Mhvs. 52. 42 says of him merely vamse jatassa attano.
2 P. pwbbJcammena attano. What is meant are his actions in a former
existence. His short reign is thus attributed to his unfavourable kamma.
Pujav. and Bajav. also give him a 7 months* reign.
3 In Pujav., Rajav., Bajaratn. and Nik.-s. Dappula IV. (V) is called
Kucla-Dapulu to distinguish him from his predecessor. The three first
call him brother (mal) of the latter. The Vessagiri inscription (WICKRE-
MASINGHE, EZ. I. 25 ff.) which must be placed palaeographieally in the
10th cent, belongs to this King. He calls himself here Buddas Abhay
Salamevan Dapulu, son of Buddas Sirisangboy Abahay and of
Devi Bajna. The name Sirisamghabodhi can only apply to Sena II. or
Kassapa IV. The latter is ruled out since according to the Sinhalese
right of succession, sons of Kassapa IV. could not possibly come to the
throne before Udaya III., the son of Mahinda, the younger brother of
Sena II. Thus Dappula IV. (and of course his predecessor D* III.) was
a brother of Kassapa V,, but by another mother (Devi) who is however
not mentioned in the Mhvs. The Etaviragolleva inscription AIC. nr. 117;
EZ. II. 44 ff.) might be attributed either to Kassapa V. or to Dappula IV.
The latter is the more likely, as Kassapa V. has as a rule, the special172
Udaya III
53.6
that time the Papclu King through fear of the Cola (king)
6 left his country, took ship and came to Mahatittha. The King
had him brought to him, rejoiced greatly when he saw him,
gave him an abundant income and granted him a dwelling
7 outside the town. When the King of Lanka had armed (with
the purpose): "I will make war on the Cola King, take from
8 him his two thrones1 and give them to the Pa$du King", the
nobles dwelling on the Island for some reason or other stirred
9 up a sorry strife to the undoing of the Pa^du King2. The
Papju King thought his sojourn here was of no use to him.
He left his diadem and other valuables behind and betook
10 himself to the Keralas3. When the strife was ended the King
granted a village near the town to the temple of the great
11 Bodhi Tree in the Mahavihara. His Senapati Rakkhaka Ilanga
built a dwelling house not far from the Thuparama, that was
12 called after the King. The King kept to all that former kings
had done and on reaching the twelfth year* (of his reign) he
passted away in accordance with his doing.
13 The Yuvaraja Udaya5 now became monarch over the
dwellers in Lanka. He invested the Adipada Sena by name,
title de-Use va-dd (see notes to 52. 11 and 37) which is not the case
with the king Abha Salamevan mentioned in that inscription.* Further
we have the Elleveva inscription of BappulalV. (AIC. nr. 116) in which
he calls himself Abha Salamevan Dapulu. Lastly, the Mahadipada
Udaya (afterwards U. IIL) issued the Puliyankulam inscription (EZ. II.
44 ff.) in the last (12th) year of the King's reign.
1 P. sayanadvayam. Thus in all MSS. with which I am acquainted.
The Col. Ed. alters the word arbitrarily into pattanadvayam.
2 Cf. with papalcammena Panduno the phrase pajpena Panduno 52. 77.
The two passages cannot be separated from one another.
3 A people settled on the Malabar coast of southern India where
Malayalam is now spoken. The fact that a Pandu king left his crown
In Ceylon is confirmed by a south Indian Inscription of King Rajendra
Cola who boasts of having brought it back (HULZSCH, JRAS, 1913 p. 522).
4 Pujav. and Rajav. also give Kud,a DIpulu a twelve years'reign.
They tell of a victorious fight with the Damilas who came from the
Soli land. Rajaratn. the same.
5 The Puliyankulam inscription (BZ. I. 182 ff.,-cf. note to v. 4) belongs
to the time just hftforft his aftft%nf, nf tJifi throne. It is,
dated 'in thft53.20 Udaya III
173
with the dignity of uparaja. At that time officials of the 14
Court fled for fear of the King to the Grove of the Penitents1.
The King and the Uparaja went thither and had their heads
cut off. Being indignant at this deed, the ascetics dwelling 15
there left the King's land and betook themselves to Rohaiia.
Thereupon the people in town and country and the troops 16
became rebellious like the ocean stirred by wild storm. They 17
climbed the Ratanapasada2 in the Abhayuttara(-yihara), terri-
fied the King by threats3, struck off the heads of the officials 18
who had helped the strife in the Penitent's Grove and flung
them out of the window. When the Yuvaraja and his friend, 19
the Adipada4, saw that, they sprang over the wall and fled
in haste to Rohai^a. A division of troops pursued them to 20
the banks of the Ka$ha-nadi5, but as they could get no boats
twelfth year of Dappula IV. Udaya III. (II.) still calls himself here
Uda Mahaya, son of Mihind Mahay a and of Kita. The title mahaya
must actually be inahddipdda. Linguistically there are difficulties.
According to the example of dpd = ddipdda, we should expect the p
to be retained in the joint of the compound. In the Galpota In-
scription at Polonnaruva (C, 1. 19; AIC. p. 99; EZ. II. p. 114) we have
the combination dpd mahapd which WICKBEMASINGHE (EZ. 1. 1ST, n. 7)
has pointed out. We meet also repeatedly In Inscriptions witli the
phrase dpd mahaya siri vinda (EZ. I. 25, 91, 221) for which curiously
enough, ayipaya mahapaya siri vindd stands In the Jetavanarama in-
scription of Mahinda IV. (I. 4, EZ. I. 234). From this it looks almost
as if mahaya were a specially worn down form of mahddipdda or
mahdpdda. As regards the parents of Uda Mahaya, there is no doubt
that the father was Mahinda, a younger brother of Sena II. According
to 51. 7 he enjoyed the dignity of uparaja, was therefore Mahadipada,
and he was married to Kitti or KItta (50. 60). He quarreled with the
King, was reconciled with him and bore from that time the title of
yuvaraja (for ex. 51. 15). But he never became Mng, since he died
according to 51. 63 before Sena II. He remained therefore as the in-
scription says mahaya all his life.
* P. tapovana. See note to 52. 22. 2 See note to 48.135.
3 Lit. "by showing him a horror'*. Cf. 53. 47.
* The Yuvaraja is .Sena (v. 13), his friend (v. 25) is Udaya, later King
Udaya IV.
5 P. ydva Kanhanadltqtam. The Kanhana$l seems to be the same
as Kdlanadi (86. 40, 44), the..river forming the' boundary of Bohana.174
Udaya III
68.21
21 and the two were already across, they returned. The princes
who in the Penitents' Grove had broken (the precept of) in-
violability betook themselves to the ascetics, threw themselves
22 to the ground at their feet, with their damp garments and
hair, wailed much, lamented and whined and sought to con-
23 ciliate the penitents. Through the influence of the peaceability
and benevolence of the Masters of the Order1 the good deeds
24 of the Island princes told in their favour2. When the army
had calmed down, the inmates of the three fraternities
25 went to pacify3 the troops of the Yuvaraja. The two
princes who were cultured and well-instructed people turned
imploringly to the Pamsukulin(-bhikkhus)4, and returned with
26 them to their town. At the head of the bhikkhus5 the King
advanced towards them, obtained their pardon, took them
with him, brought them back to their grove and betook him-
27 self to the royal palace. From that time onwards the King
observed the conduct of former kings and passed away in the
third year6 (of his reign) in accordance with his deeds.
The princes were pursued up to this point. When they arrived in
Bohanlf their garments and hair were still damp from crossing1 that
river (v. 22).
1 P. sdsanasaminam. The word sdmin as title of honour of the
bhikkhus corresponds to the himiya so often used in inscriptions. Cf.
also mahdsdmin 86. 38; 89. 64, See 52. 20 with note.
2 P. punnodayo ahu. Cf. with this note to 37. 139. W.'s translation
"the great kindness and longsuffering of these lords of religion moved
the king towards the two offenders" is something quite different to
what stands in the Text.
s The alteration of the Text by the Col. Ed. into te mmdnetum is
quite unnecessary. The reading of the MSS* tosam anetum gives ex-
cellent sense.
4 The Ascetics are meant who had left the Penitents' Grove and
gone to Eohana. As the King was implicated in the wrong that had
been committed in the Penitents' Grove, he had also to get their
pardon (v. 26).
5 That is of those inmates of the three fraternities who were
working for conciliation. At their head the king advances towards the
ascetics comiag from Bohana in company, of the princes.
* Pajlv, 8 years; Raj IT. 8 years. . ...53.39
Sena III, Udaya IV 175
After receiving consecration as king in Lanka, the discern- 28
ing Sena1 made his friend, the Adipada Udaya, yuvaraja.
A thousand kahaparias the Ruler of men was wont to give 29
away to the poor on the Uposatha day, being all his life
long one who kept the Uposatha vow. To the bhikkhus the 30
Ruler gave food and raiment for the images2 and to mendi-
cant artists the Da^dissara offering3. Having had built in 31
various places for the bhikkhus graceful pasadas, the Ruler
granted them maintenance villages. At a cost of a thousand 32
or five hundred kahapanas he had ruined dwellings in Lanka
restored. Forty thousand kahapa^as did the Ruler lay out 33
for a stone paving4 of the Abhayuttara-cetiya, On the great 34
tanks in Lanka he had the decayed outflow canals renewed
and the dams made firm with stones and earth. In the royal 35
palace he built a beautiful, costly house for flowers and he
retained in full the almsgiving instituted by former kings.
Once when visiting the Nagasala-parivena built by the Ma- 36
layaraja, the minister Aggabodhi, he granted it a village. In 37
the four viharas5 he set up in pious fashion sculptured figures,
built beautiful maijdapas and held constantly sacrificial festi-
vals for the relics. After performing these ,and even many 38
other meritorious works of divers kind, he passed away in
the ninth year6 (of his reign) in accordance with his deeds.
Hereupon the Yuvaraja Udaya7 received the consecration 39
as King in Lanka and ordained as uparaja the Adipada Sena
1 He was according to Pujav., Rajiv, and Rajaratn., the brother of
his predecessor.
2 So I understand the compound patimabhattavaltkani* This would
mean that a certain cult was accorded the images whereby food was
placed before them and garments swathed about them.
3 Of. note to 52. 3; 60.22.
4 P. - sUapattharanattMya. It probably means the paving of the
square terrace on which the thupa stands.
5 Probably the four large monasteries Mahavihira, Jetavana, Abhaya-
girl with the Maricavafti-vihara.
6 Pujiv.: 9 years, Rajiv.: S years (mistake for Sena IV. see note
to 54. 1).
7 None of our sources contain any information as so the relatlonihlp
176 / Udaya IV
S3.40
40 by name. The King was slothful and a friend of spirituous
drinks to the undoing of his subjects1. The Cola (king) hear-
41 ing of his sloth was greatly pleased, and as he wished to
achieve consecration as king in the Panchi kingdom, he sent
(messengers) about the diadem and the other (things) which
42 the Pandu (king) had left behind2 (in Lanka). The King did
not give them up, so the mighty Cola equipped an army and
43 sent ife forth to fetch them by force. Now at that time the
Senapati here3 was absent in a rebellious border province.
The Eing had him fetched and sent him forth to begin the
44 war. The Senapati set forth, delivered battle and fell in the
fight. Thereupon the King (Udaya4) took the crown and the
45 rest and betook himself to Rohana. The Cola troops marched
thither, but finding no way of entering Rohana they turned
and betook themselves through fear from here to their own
46 country. Thereupon the Ruler of Lanka appointed the general
Viduragga5, a man of great energy and discernment, to the
47 position of the Senapati. The Senapati laid waste the border-
land of the Cola King and forced him with threats6 to restore7
of Udaya IV. (III. in W.'s list) to his predecessor. WICKREMASINGHE
(EZ. II. 59, Genealogical Tables) supposes him to have been a younger
brother of Udaya III. (II.) and of Sena III. This makes it possible for
him to insert Mahinda IV. in the genealogical tree. (See note to 54. 48).
1 P. pdpena janiunam. Gf. 52.77 and 53. 8 -with note.
2 See 53. 9.
3 I. e. in Ceylon, of course, or, as in v. 45 and 47, from Ceylon.
4 It is inexplicable why W. should have added to raja so the words
(of Cola). What could the Cola King then have done in Kohana ? On the
other hand Bohana has forever been the refuge of the Sinhalese kings
after being worsted in fight with the Damilas. The meaning of the
passage is accordingly (as HULTZSCH, JEAS. 1913, p. 525 rightly saw):
the Cola King wins the battle, it is true, but King Udaya flees with
the valuables which the former wants to get back ? maJcutddmi in v. 44
must be the same as makutacfcnam in v. 41 ? to Kohana. The Cola
troops pursue him, but as they cannot penetrate into Rohana, they are
obliged to return empty-handed. The Cola King therefore, did not
get hold of the Crown jewels. HULTZSCH supposes the Cola King might
have been Parantaka I. who calls himself in his latest inscription
(943|4?947/8) "conqueror of Ceylon". Cf. H. W. CODRINGTON, H. C. p. 39 f,
s For the name Viduragu or Vijuragu see note to 51.105.
6 See note to 53.17.
7 P. ftidperi: lit. "he had brought hither".63.52
Udaya IV 177
all that he had carried away from here (as booty). Thereupon 48
the King had distributed to all the Pamsukulika-bhikkhus
dwelling on the Island articles of equipment in costly fashion.
For the image of the Master in the Mahavihara the Monarch 49
of Lanka fashioned a diadem of jewels which sparkled with
the rays of precious stones. One of the ladies of the harem, 50
Vidura, honoured his stone image with a network of rays1
which glittered with jewels. When he had begun to rebuild 51
the so-called Ma^ipasada which the troops of the Cola- King
had burned down, he died in the eighth year (of his reign)2.
These five rulers of the earth who ruled over an earth united 52
under one umbrella and who had governed the whole world
with severity and clemency, (they all) with wives and chil-
dren, ministers, women and henchmen fell into the power of
death. Hence should the wise ever be minded to give up
sloth and pride.
Here ends the fifty-third chapter, called "The Five Kings",
in. the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.
1 For pddajdla (xnandorla) see note to 38. 64, as well as 52. 65.
2 Pojav.: 8 years, Rajav.: 3 years. But cf. note to 54.6.Sena IV
CHAPTER LIV
THE THREE KINGS
1 When thereupon Sena1 had by inheritance attained con-
secration as king in Lanka he made over the dignity of yu-
2 varaja to the Adipada Mahinda2. The King was wise, an ex-
cellent poet, learned, impartial towards friend and foe, ever
3 full of pifcy and goodwill. Without letting the right season
pass, the god at that time sent showers of rain streaming in
the right way, the people who dwelt in the land were ever
4 happy and without fear. The King was wont sitting in the
Lohapasada, surrounded by the inmates of the three frater-
5 nitles, to explain the Suttantas. He fashioned a casket for
the Tooth Relic ornamented with various precious stones and
1 In the Sinhalese sources the order of the kings after Dappula IV.
.(V) = Kuda Dapulu is a follows:
Pujav.: Uda (3) Rajav.: Uda (8) Rajar.: Uda Nik.-s.: Uda
Sen (9) Sen (3) Sen Sen
Uda (8) Uda (3) Uda Uda
Sen (9) Sen (9) Sen
Pasulu-Sen
Sen (3) Sen (3) Sen Madi-Sen
Mhva. Udaya (2?3), Sena (8?9), Udaya (7?8), Sena (3). The figures in
brackets denote the number of years reigned. The main difference is
that the Sinhalese sources insert two Senas after Udaya IV. (III.) and
before Mahinda IV. (see note to 54.7) whereas Mhvs. has only one.
We shall probably have to keep to the older source. It should be noted
that Pujav. and Rajav. call the last Sena of the above list the son of
his predecessor. . .. , . .
2 WICKREMASINGHE considers this Mahinda to be the later Mahinda IV.,
a younger brother of Sena IV., because in an inscription in the Jeta-
mnarama (EZ. I. 214) Mahinda IV. says of the Huligam-piriven," that
Ms brother, the Great King, had begun it while lye himself had finished
it. This parivena might be the one mentioned in v. 6. But cf note
to 54. 7,
,. . "54. 10 MaUnda IV
179
in the four viharas1 he Instituted, in divers ways, sacrificial
festivals for the relics. After turning Sitthagama where he 6
had himself dwelt, into a pariver^a and after protecting the
world like a son he entered into Heaven after a three years'
reign.
*
The Yuvaraja Mahinda2 became king after him, rich in 7
merit, rich in splendour, rich in military power, rich in fame.
He united Lanka under one umbrella after overcoming the 8
peril (threatened) by rebels. The chiefs of districts always
upheld him. Although there was also in Lanka a race of 9
nobles3, the Ruler of men had a princess of the line of the
ruler of Kalinga fetched and made her his first mahesl. Of 1
1 See note to 58. 37.
2 P. GOLDSCHMIDT, E. MuLLEu and WicKRRMAsiNGHE ascribe to King
Mahinda IV. a series of inscriptions in which the author calls himself
Sirisangboi-Abahay (Sirisamghabodhi Abhaya). These are: 1) a slab
inscription in Vessagiri (EZ. I. 29); 2) the two well-known inscriptions
halfway up the Mihintale mountain (EZ. I. 75); 3) the pillar inscription
of Raja-maligava in Polonnaruva (EZ. II. 49); 4) two slab inscriptions
in the Jetavanarama {EZ. I. 213); 5) a slab inscription in Vevelketiya
(EZ. I. 241), with a parallel inscription in Kahata-gasdigiliya, BELL ASC,,
7th Prog. Rep. 1891 = XIII. 1896, p. 51; 6) a slab inscription in Rarn-
beva (EZ. II. 64). In addition there in 7) the pillar
inscription of
Mayilagastota in which the author merely calls himself dpd Mihindu,
that is Adipada, not king. No. 1 is the most certain because the
author in addition to his biracla SSB. calls himself Mihindu, and because
in it the Senapati Sena is mentioned with an allusion to the successful
campaign against the Damilas, which is mentioned in Mhvs. 54.12. For
the rest there are certain difficulties. The author of inscrs. 2 and 3
names as his parents ? Sal a me van (Silaineghavanna) ? which
fits
Kassapa V. father of Mahinda IV". ? and Dev Gon. Inscr. 7 however,
speaks of these as Salamevan and Sang Gon. Again they are called
in inscrs. 4 and 6 Sirisangbo and Dev Gon. In nr. 5 the father is
likewise called Sirisangbo while no mother is mentioned. WICKSB-
MASIHGHB (EZ. I. 213} explains the difference in the father's name by
. assuming that Kassapa V* used both birudas SSB. and SMV., a way
oat of the difficulty which I adopt very unwillingly, being more inclined
to believe in a regular alternation of the two epithets. The difficulty
with
Dev Gon and Sang Gon has not been got rid. of. Cf. below note
to 54. 48.
3 Vijjamdnt must fee supplemented by vaipsc from pad a cl.
' ? ' ' ' '. ' ,12*180
MaMnda IV 54.11
11 her were born two sons and a, charming daughter. He made
Ms sons Idlpadas and his daughter a queen: thus the Ruler
founded the royal house of the Slhalas.
12 The Vallabha King1 sent a force to Nagadipa to subdue
13 this our country. The Euler hearing this, the King sent
thither the Senapati Sena by name, to whom he had made
OTer an army, to fight with the troops of the Vallabha King.
14 The Senapati betook himself thither, fought with the troops
of this (Vallabha) King, defeated them and remained master
15 of the battlefield. As the kings with the Vallabha (king) at
their head, were unable to vanquish our King, they made a
16 friendly treaty with the ruler of Laiika. In this way the fame
of tlie King penetrated to Jambudipa, spreading over Lanka
and crossing the Ocean.
17 The priests who preached the true doctrine the King treated
with the most marked distinction. He hearkened to the doc-
18 trine and believed in the Order of the Buddha, The King
assembled the Pamsukulin bhikkhus, invited them in a friendly
19 manner and bad them brought into his house. He had seats
prepared for them, made them sit down and had pure3 food
abundantly set before them, and this always as on the one
20 days. To the ascetics living in the wilderness4 the King sent
continually food pure, costly and abundant, with all kinds of
21 seasoning. To sick ascetics the King who was a fount of
pity, sent physicians and sought continually to heal them.
22 Pieces of sugar baked in melted butter, juice of garlic, and
betel as sweet odour for the mouth, he gave them always as
28 He had the alms-bowls of the Pamsukulika bhikfchus
filled with garlic, blaek pepper5, long pepper6 and ginger,
1 For Yallabba, which is not a personal name m W. thinks, see
47. 15. On campaign see note to T. 7.
s P. in a ritual sense. What is meant are foods of.
1 W7§ translation: 4"tlims did lie always, as if it seemed to* Mm the
of 0fte 4ajn is eertiu&ljr wroug,
* See to 41. 99, §2. 22, 5S« 14
5 l\ Piper nigrom. 6 P. yipphofa* Piper
longtim.54.35 Mahinda IV
181
sugar and the three kinds of myrobalans1 and to evary single 24
(bhikkhu) he distributed continually melted butter, oil and
honey, as also cloaks and blankets2. All necessaries suoh as 25
clothing and the like the Ruler had made and distributed
among the Pamsukulin bhikkhus. In the Mahavihara the King 26
had new cloth to make robes therewith provided for every
single bhikkhu. To the Labhavasin bhikkhus3 dwelling in 27
the three fraternities the Ruler twice dispensed (rice) equal
in weight to that of his body. The decree "Kings shall in 28
future take no revenues for themselves out of the revenues
of the Order" the King had engraved in stone and set (the
stone) up4. He made poor people recite the formula of the 29
(threefold) refuge5 and the nine qualities6 of the Buddha and
then gave them food and clothing. He built an alms-hall on 30
the grounds of the Elephant House and gave to beggars alms
and couches. In all the hospitals he distributed medicine and 31
beds, and he had food given regularly to criminals in prison.
To apes, the wild boar, the gazelle and to dogs he, a fount 32
of pity, had rice and cakes distributed as much as they would.
In the four viharas the King had raw rice laid down in heaps 33
with the injunction that the poor should take of it as much
as they wanted. While holding various sacrificial festivals 34
and while instituting a great feast he had the Yinaya re-
cited by learned bhikkhus. Having made presents to him he 35
1 P. tipliala = skr. triphala, the fruit of the Terminalia chebula,
Terminalia bellerica and Phyllanthus emblica (P. harllaka, KibhUaka,
dmalaJca).
2 P. pajpurattharanani Is an abbreviation of pdpurana-attharandnL
3 It is clear from 60. 68, 72, that the Labhavasins like the Pam-
sukullns formed a group of ascetics within the great community.
4 It Is of course. Impossible to determine to what inscription, of the
King this alludes. The Mihintale plates as far as I can see, have BO
injunction identical with the above.
5 P. sarandnL What is meant Is the formula buddham saranam
gacchdmiy dhammam s.
6 P. gune nam. Cf. on the navaguna formula iti j>i no bhai/acd etc.
GUILDERS, PD. 9. v.182 . Mahinda IV
54.36
had a commentary to the Abhidhamma written by the Thera
Dhammamitta1 who dwelt in the Sitthagama(-parxvena)2.
36 By the Thera called Dathanaga, dwelling in the wilderness,
an ornament of Lanka, he* had the Abhidhamma recited.
37 He paid honour to the Heniamalika-cetiya by the gift of a
covering of stuflf, by dance and song, by parfumes and flowers
38 of divers kinds, by garlands of lamps and incense of many
kinds, and he presented the bhikklius there with raiment which
39 he himself distributed among them. Continually from the
gardens3 here and there in his kingdom he had flowers brought
40 and paid honour therewith to the three Jewels. He began to
build the pasada called Candana in the Maricavaf$i(~vihara)
41 and granted the bhikkhus maintenance villages. There the
Ruler had the Hair Relic preserved, had fashioned (for it) a
reliquary of jewels and (this) set up as a dedicatory gift.
42 The Ruler had the cetiya in the Thuparama covered with
stripes of gold and silver and instituted for it a sacrificial
43 festival in accordance with his royal dignity. In the relic
temple there the King had a golden door put up like to
44 Mount Sineru4 gleaming in the beams of the sun. He restored
the beautiful temple of the four cetiyas in PadaJancliana5
which had been burnt down by the troops of the Cola King.
45 (In like manner) he restored the burnt temple of the Tooth
Relic6 in the centre of the town, the Dhammasangani
46 house7 and the Mahapali Hall. The Ruler having had a
betel-mancjapa8 built, made over the earnings from it to the
1 WICKREMASINGHE (EZ. 1. 215) supposes that this thera might be the
thera mentioned in an inscription of Mahinda's in the Jetavana as
Mahaddmi (P. maJiddhammiJca).
2 See above v. 6.
3 The loc. nyydnesu stands here instead of the abl.
4 Name of the mythical mountain Mere (Sumeru, Hemameru). See 37.70.
5 See 52. 63.
6 Evidently the temple mentioned 37. 93-95 which was situated near
the palace, thus nagaramajjhamhi*
1 See 52. 50-51. This building also was situated nagaramajjhamhi.
8 I. e. a pavilion where betel was sold.54.55
MahindalV 183
bhikkhus of the Thera School1 for (the purchase of) medi-
cines. He built a home called Mahamallaka and made it over 47
to the bhikkhunis proceeding from the Thera School. Now 48
too the Monarch completed -the so-called Maijipasada, begun
by his mother's brother, the pious King Udaya2. Four officials 49
of the King thereupon had four parive^as built in the Jeta-
vana. The gracious consort of the King Kitti by name, his 50
equal in fame, built a beautiful pariveija west of the Tlmpa-
rama and in this parive^a, in Kappasagama and in the Clvara- 51
cetiya she laid down three pure bathing tanks. To the Hema- 52
malika-cetiya she dedicated, rich in meritorious works, a golden
banner twelve cubits long. For the laity her son built a ho- 5$
spital in the town, and the able Sakkasenani3 one for bhikkhus
outside of the town. In the four viharas the King had ma$- 54
dapas erected, like to heavenly palaces and by holding sacri-
. facial festivals in divers ways for the relics for longer than 55
1 P. theravamse (loc. instead of gen. -sassa). W, remarks about this
passage that the Thera bhikkhus "traced their line of succession from
the great apostle Mahinda". The term tlieriya however, goes back
(Mhvs. 3. 40) to the First Council. The expression vanisa is used here
as in 52. 63, figuratively for "School", likewise again in v. 47.
2 The drawing up of the family tree of Mahinda IV. is beset with
difficulties. WICKREMASINGHE (plate to EZ, II. 59) has tried very
in-
geniously to remove them. He assumes that Udaya IV. was the younger
brother of Sena III., and Sena IV. (cf. note to 54. I) the elder brother
of Mahinda IV. In this way as Samgha the wife of Kassapa V. (see 51.18)
was a sister of Udaya IV., the latter could be called the ma tula of
Mahinda IV. Two objections remain. Udaya IV. is twice (53.19 and 28)
called the "friend" of Sena III. This'term used of a younger brother
is surprising. Further, the mother of Mahinda IV. was, if the Miliintale
plates are really his, not Samgha, but the Devi mentioned 52. 64, ??
Possibly the following hypothesis may help to clear up the matter.
Eassapa V. had two sons called Mahinda, one by Sam
Deva. The first is the Mahinda mentioned in 51. 99 ff., the author of
the Mayilagastota inscription (Nr. 7 in note to 54. 7). He never became
king but died earlier, of which however we have no account. The second
Mahinda is the later king Mahinda IV. Let us assume further that
Deva, the second wife of Kassapa V, as to whose origin we know no-
thing, was a half-sister of Saragha, then Udaya IV. would be the nuttula
of Mahinda IV. I must point out that my Udaya IV. is W.'s U. III.
3 The same as sakltasenapati. See 52. 52. This is? probably the son
of the Sakkasenapatl (the son of Kassapa V,), who (52, 79) after bh
father's death, inherited his dignity.184
?? 'Sena F 54.56
56 a year, he kept to the pious ways of former kings. Having
thus performed these and other eminent, meritorious works
in sundry ways the King entered in the sixteenth year (of
his reign) into the heaven of the gods1.
57 Sena, the twelve years old son of the King2 by the Kalinga
58 princess now came to the throne. The position of yuvaraja
he conferred on his younger brother Udaya. Sena, his father's
59 senSpati, was also his senapafci. Once when the Senapati was
away with the army in the border country he had his younger
60 brother MahSmalla8 who had committed an offence4 with his
mother, slain and made a court official Udaya by name, who
61 was loyal to him, senapati. When the Senapati Sena heard
this he was wroth and came with his army, intending to take
62 his foes captive. Hearing the tidings thereof the Monarch
thought: I shall bring herewith my court official who has
(always) carried out my decrees, into safety, left (the, town),
68 and betook himself to Rohajja5.. But his mother turned back,
took the Yuvaraja (Udaya) and the Queen with her, and
wroth, with him (the King), summoned the Senapati (Sena)
64 to her8. Supported therein by her, he collected Damilas, gave
over the country to them and took up his abode in Pulatthi-
65 nagara. To fight him the King sent troops from Rohana,
but the Senapati annihilated the whole army of the King.
1 Pfljav., Raja?, and Nik.-s. call the King- KudaVMidel, Kajar.
MI del-Sal a. PQjav. gives him a reign of 16, Rajav. one of 12 years.
3 Thus according to the reading raj am of the Col. Ed. which I now
prefer to raja at the MSS. Jato paticca tarn rdjatn, lit.: born to the
king.
3 W. connects Maliamallain wrongly with Udayam, whereas it be-
!ongB to bkataram in 59 d.
4 W/s translation: "who dwelt in his mother's house" says nothing
and misses the point. As regards the meaning I have adopted for
rnttaniatH, I refer the reader to skr. vart (BE. s. v,, 7) which is
likewise
usttd in the sense of forbidden sexual intercourse with a woman*
5 The reading of the text and the translation are very doubtful.
W.'s rendering: "And when the King heard thereof, he departed and
fled to Eohaija taking with him the minister who had been as a slave
unto him, and whom he regarded as his saviour" can scarcely be re-
conciled with the text as contained in the Col. Ed. rf
^ 6 The Queen-mother is angry with her son because he has done away
with her lover, so takes the part of the Senapati Sena, ihe elder brother
of the murdered man.54.73 Sena V
185
The Damilas now plundered the whole country like devils 66
and pillaging, seized the property of its inhabitants. In their 67
distress the people betook themselves to Rohana to the King
and told him of the matter. He took counsel with his ministers
and to protect the Order of the Buddha, he sent his Senapati 68
(Udaya) forth from the kingdom1, made a treaty with (the
Senapati) Sena and came to Pulatthinagara. He made the 69
daughter of the latter his mates!, to continue his line. With
her he begot an excellent son, called Kassapa. But while now 70
the Ruler of Lanka had his abode there2 his low class3 favou-
rites who obtained no leave from their teacher to drink
sura, praised in his presence4 the advantages of drinking in- 71
toxicating liquors and induced the Ruler to drink. After
taking intoxicating drinks he was like a wild beast gone mad.
As he could no longer digest food the Ruler had to surrender 72
the dearly-won place and died in the tenth year (of his reign),
still, youthful in years5.
When they see from this that the yielding to evil friends 73
leads to destruction, let those who seek their highest good
here or hereafter, avoid such (evil friends) as a snake full of
deadly poison.
Here ends the fifty-fourth chapter, called "The Three
Kings", in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and
emotion of the pious.
1 The Col. Ed. changes the ratthd of the MSS, into rattham which
then stands next to sdsanani. We miss ca. W. translates after the Col.
Ed. text, "to save the religion and his country".
2 Namely in Pulatthinagara.
3 P. hmaja, W.'s translation "who cared not for him* is wrong.
4 Thus, if my conjecture tassa santiJce instead of tnssa sattai'o is
right. If one keeps to sattaro, then the passage would have to be
translated thus: "his low-class favourites who otherwise found no op-
portunity of drinking sura, being his teachers (and at the same time)
his foes, praised the advantages etc.".
5 The Sinhalese sources call the King Salamevan after his biruda
(Silameghavanija). His predecessor had the surname Sirisamghabodlii.
PUjav. and BajaV. give Salamevan a reign of 10 years. They tell of
Ms initial successes against the Bamilas and of his conflict with the
Senapati who then brought an army of 95000 Damilas into the country.186
Mahinda V
CHAPTER LV
THE PILLAGE OF LANKA
1 The Prince Mahinda1, his younger brother, who after
his death raised the white umbrella in splendid Anuradhapura
2 which was full of strangers brought hither by the Senapati Sena,
3 abode there ten years amid difficult circumstances2. As he wan-
dered from the path of statecraft and was of very weak cha-
racter, the peasants did not deliver him his share of;the produce.
4 As the Prince in his tenth year had entirely lost his fortune,
he was unable to .satisfy his troops by giving them their pay.
5 All the Keralas3 who got no pay planted themselves , one
with another at the door of the royal palace, determined on
6 force, bow in hand, armed with swords and (other) weapons,
(with the cry) "So long as there is no pay he shall not eat.1'
7 But te King duped them. Taking with him all his moveable
goods he escaped by an underground passage4 and betook
8 himself in haste to Rohana. In Sidupabbatagama he set up
an armed camp and took up his abode there, after making
9 his brother's wife mahesi. When she died shortly after, he
10 raised his brother's daughter to the rank of mahesi. When
of this Queen a son was born who received the name of
11 Kassapa, the Ruler gave up the stronghold inhabited by him,
1 We hear nothing of the reasons why Udaya who according to
54. 58, was appointed yuvaraja, did not come to the throne.
2 P. Mcehena ("with trouble1') dasa vaeekare. W. has "twelve years".
3 See note to 68. 9. The Kermjas were enlisted as mercenaries by the
Slhala king.
4 The Kautaliya speaks I. 20. 1 ff. of secret exits, underground tunnels
which have to be made in the royal palace (antahpura). Cf. Kautilya's
Arthasastra, trsl. by E. SHAMASASTRY, p. 45 ff., J. J. MEYER, Das Altind.
Buch vorn Welt- und Sfcaatsleben, p. 49. The skr. expression in the
Kautaliya is surunga. See 0. STEDT, ZIL 3. 313.55.18
Mahinda, V 187
and founded a town at the village of Kappagallaka and dwelt,
carrying on the government, for long time among the people
of Rohana, But in the remaining parts of the country Keralas, 12
Sfhalas and Kannatas1 carried on the government as they
pleased. But a horse-dealer who had come hither from the 13
opposite coast, told the Cola King on his return about the
conditions in Lanka. On hearing this, the powerful (prince), 14
with the purpose of taking possession of Lanka, sent off a
strong body of troops. They landed speedily in Lanka. From 15
the spot where they disembarked, oppressing the mass of the
inhabitants, the Cola army advanced on Ilohana. In the six 16
and thirtieth year of the King's reign the Colas seized the
Makes!2, the jewels, the diadem, that he had inherited, the
whole of the (royal) ornaments, the priceless diamond bracelet, 17
a gift of the gods, the unbreakable sword and the relic of
torn strip of cloth3. But the Ruler himself who had fled 18
1 Karndta embraced the territory of the present Mysore and ad-
joining strips of country. The name is preserved in that of the Kanarese
language. LSI. IV. 362,
2 For the ace. mahesim etc., the governing verb aganhimsit must be
taken from v. 18. To the articles of the regalia (rdjasddhana or raja-
blianda) belong also the umbrella (chatta) and the so-called eltavaU, a
chain
consisting of one row of pearls. Their possession means at the same
time that of the royal dignity. In times of danger, therefore, the first
thing the king does is to secure the insignia (41. 20). A new king takes
care to get hold of them in order to legalize therewith his possession
of the throne. Thus Moggallana L after the suicide of Kassapa I. (39. 28),
so also in Rohana the aunt of Mahinda after his murder (dcsam ganhi
sasddlianain, 50. 51; cf. also 48. 89). After the death of Aggabodhi IV.
as there is no heir, the people take charge of the rajabhandam (46. 38).
After the death of Mahalanakitti the Colas take possession of the dia-
dem and the other valuables (Mntadldhanam 56. 10). The Co]a king
claims therewith symbolically the dominion over Lanka. When Agga-
bodhi III. flees, he takes the string of pearls efcilvall with him. It
is
expressly said of Dathopatisaa, that he became king without the eJ: avail
(44. 127-8), thus something of his dignity is wanting. It is significant
too, that when Samghatissa's royal umbrella by a mere accident falls
into the hands of the rebel Moggallana the army at once recognises
him as the legitimate king (44. 18 ? 20).
3 W. translates; "and the sabred forehead band*1 and adds in a note188
Malmida V
55.19
in fear to the jungle, they captured alive, with the pretence
19 of making a treaty. Thereupon they sent the Monarch and all
the treasures which had fallen into their hands at once to
20 the Cola Monarch. In the thre fraternities -and in all Lanka
(breaking open) the relic chambers, (they carried away) many
21 costly images of gold1 etc., and while they
violently
destroyed here and there all the monasteries, like blood-
sucking yakkhas2 they took all the treasures of Lanka for
22 themselves. With Pulatthinagara as base, the Colas held sway
over Eajarattha3 as far as the locality known as Rakkha-
23 pasa^aka^tha. People in the kingdom took the young prince
Kassapa and brought him up, carefully protecting him through
24 fear of the Colas. When the Cola King heard that the boy had
reached his twelfth year, he sent high officials with a large
25 force to seize him. They brought with them warriors a hundred
thousend less five thousand (in number) and they ransacked
"the term is of doubtful meaning, but it evidently refers to the fillet
worn round the forehead". This translation of cMnnagattikadhatuJca is
perhaps not impossible. Apparently a piece of stuff is meant of the
Buddha's dress which belonged as highly prized relic to the regalia of
the Sinhalese kings.
1 For the ace. dhatugabbhe in v. 20 we must take as governing verb
the gerund bhinditva from v. 21 and from the same verse aggahum for
governing patibimbe in v. 20.
2 The ojohdrino ydkkhd correspond to the vampires of Slav popular
belief. F» S. KRAUSS, Slavische Volkforschungen, p. 124 ff.
3 The designation so frequently used later of Eajamttha "King's
Province" for northern Ceylon is used in contrast to Eohana (c£ for
ex.
70. 184 f.) as well as to Dakkhinadesa (for ex., 72. 176-79). Later the
name Patitthamttha is substituted for it (s. note to 82. 26). The Cola
king who conquered Ceylon was, according to HULTZSCH, JEAS. 1913,
p. 522 ff.) Parakesarivarman alias Rajendra-Cola I. who in theTiru-
malai Rock Inscription (EL IX, p. 229 ff.) boasts of having seized the
crown
of the king of Ceylon, the crowns of the queens of that king, as well
as the "crown and the necklace of India" which the king of the South
(i e* the Pandya king) hat previously deposited with the king of Ceylon.
The conquest of Ceylon is first recorded in inscriptions of Rajendra's
6 th year = 1017-8 A. D., but not mentioned in those of the 5- th year,
and consequently it must have taken place in A. D* 1017, See also
H. W. Co»i»aTos, H. C., p. 40, 68.55.34
MaUnda V 189
the whole province of Roha^a in every direction. A court 26
official called Kitti, who dwelt in Makkhakudrusa, and a minister
name4 Buddha, a native of Maragallaka1, these two vali- 27
ant men, well versed in the ways of war, made the resolve
to destroy the Cola army completely. At a place called Pa- 28
lutfchagiri2 they took up fortified positions, carried on war
for six months and killed a great number of Damilas. The 29
Colas who had survived the slaughter in this fight, seized
with fear, fled and took up their abode as before in Pulatthi-
nagara. When thereupon the Prince saw the two victorious 30
officials, he was highly pleased and spake to them (thus):
uChoose a wish my friends". Buddha asked as wish for the 31
village in which his family dwelt; Kitti chose as wish that
the part of his revenues which the bhikkhu community had
appropriated might be remitted. After the most excellent of 32
officials had their wishes fulfilled by the most excellent of
princes, these brave men, fearless, and full of humility, wor-
shipped his feet.
King Mahinda dwelt twelve years in Cola land and entered 33
into heaven in the forty-eighth year3 (from his ascent of the
throne).
Thus fortune's goods if they were gained by one smitten 34
with indolence, are not abiding. Therefore should the prudent
man, who strives after his salvation, ever display ceaseless
endeavour.
Here ends the fifty-fifth chapter, called "The Pillage of
Lanka'1, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and
emotion of the pious.
1 For Maragallaka, BOW Maragala see note to 48. 129.
2 Cf. 58. 18 with note.
3 Cf. .v, 16. Pujav, and Rajiv, ascribe a reign of 48 years to Mahinda,
without a word about anything' that happened during it. According1 to
them the arrival of the 95000 Damilas took place in the time of his
predecessor.190 VikJiamabahu I, Kitti, Mahalanakitti
CHAPTER LTI
THE SIX KINGS
1 After they had given the name of Vikkamabahu to the
Monarch's son, all the Sihalas acted full of humility according
2 to his command. The King collected by every means, money
for defeating the Damilas, showing, as was meet, favour to
3 his adherents. At the request of his court officials he had
ornament and diadem, umbrella and throne made ready for
4 the festival of the King's consecration, but he refused (the
festival with the words): "What hoofcs me the ceremony of
the raising of the umbrella so long as the possession of Ra-
5 jarattha1 is not achieved?" Then the mighty (Prince) assem-
bled a hundred thousand men. But as at the time when the
campaign should have begun, he was suffering from the wind
6 disease2, he thought it not the time to carry on war and
entered suddenly in the twelfth year (of his reign) into the
city of gods and came into the company of the gods3.
7 A court official called Kitti, who was invested with the
dignity of senapati, aspired to the kingship and maintained
his authority for eight days.
8 He was slain by the mighty Mahalanakitti, who attained
consecration as king, and holding sway over the province called
9 Bohana, was vanquished in his third year in battle against
1 Vikkamabahu Is still restricted to Rohana* See note to 55. 22.
2 P. v&taroga. For the various diseases which Indian medicine groups
under this term (tafapy&Zhi) see JOLLY, Medicin, p. 118 f.
3 The same length of reign (12 years) Is ascribed to Yikkainafoahu
by Pujav. and Rijav. They say of him, though certainly wrongly, that
he drove out the Dainilas who had entered the country under his father.
Rajar. and Nik.-s. merely mention his name.56.17
VilclcamapandUy Jagatlpala, Paralcleama 191
the Colas and with his own hand he cut his throat and so
died a sudden death1.
Thereupon the Damilas took the chief treasures, such as 10
the diadem and the like and sent them to the Monarch of the
Cola land. The only son of the Prince (Mahalanakitti) known 11
by the name of Vikkamapandu, had through fear left his
kingdom and was sojourning in the Dulu country. But when 12
he had tidings of the events in Lanka, he betook himself to
the province of Rohana, and dwelling in Kalalittha2, carried
on the government there for a year3.
Then a powerful prince of the line of Rama, known by 13
the name of Jagatlpala, a Sovereign's son who had come
from the town Ayojjha4, slew Yikkamapandu in battle and 14
ruled as a mighty man in Rohana four years5. Him also the 15
Colas slew in battle and sent the Mahesi with her daughter
and all the valuable property to the Cola kingdom.
Then King Parakkama, son of the Pandu King, reigned6 16
two years7. The Colas slew him also when fighting with him.
These (princes) who were too much swayed by the power 17
of desire, went without exception, helplessly to destruction.
Wen the wise man has recognised this, he will doubtless ever
be bent on the annihilation of desire.
Here ends the fifty-sixth chapter, called "The Six Kings1',
in the Mahlvamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.
1 The Sinhalese sources pass over Kitti entirely. They call his suc-
cessor Mahalanakitti Mahal5. He reigned according- to PGjav. and
Rajav. 3 years.
2 Now Kalutara at the mouth of the Kalnganga.
3 According to Pujav. and Rajav. Vikramapandi had reigned 3 years.
4 Skr. Ayodhya^ the present Oudh in India, situated on the river Gogra.
5 Pujav. the same; Rajav. 1 year.
6 Akd must be supplemented by rajjam from v. 14. "Vikkamapantju
is probably meant by the Pan$u King.
7 Pujav. 1 year; Rajav. 6 years. In Rajar. the name is missing. In
PSjav. he is called Parakramapantji, in Raja?. Parakramabahu-
pan
CHAPTER LVII
THE SUBJUGATION OP THE ENEMIES OF ROHAN A
1 An army leader called Loka1, wlio dwelt in Makktia-
kudrusa, a trustworthy, determined man, capable of breaking
2 the arrogance of the Colas, after bringing the people over to
his side, took possession of the government in the district of
Rohafta and dwelt in Kajaragama2, versed in the conduct de-
termined by custom.
3 Ad that time there lived a powerful prince of the name
of Kitti. The history of his lineage will now be told in the
sequel3.
1 In tlie Sinhalese sources lie is called Lokesvara. Pujav. gives
him a reign of six years. The end of Loka's reign is related 57.45-64.
For the following period of Sinhalese history it is very difficult to bring
the statements of South Indian inscriptions into accordance with those
of the Culavarpsa. I refer to HULTZSCH, JRAS. 1913, p. 5I'd?21; H. W.
CODBIHGTON, H. 0., p. 55 ff. 2 See note to 45. 45,
3 From the way it is introduced, the following section seems to be
taken from a new source, possibly (see note to 45.37) from what I have
called the "Chronicle of Rohana". There are however certain differences
between its statements and the rest of the contents of the Culavamsa.
That the Kassapa in v. 4 is meant for Kassapa II. (44. 144, 45. 1 ff.)
seems certain. But there is a confusion about the names Man a and
M an a v am ma. Mana is called the eldest son of Kassapa II. in 45. 6.
The question is whether he is identical with the Manavamma who later
(47. 2, 62) ascends the throne. In the Rohana Chronicle (57. 5) the elder
son of Kassapa is called Manavamma, the younger who comes to the
throne, 57. 14, Mana, but in 57. 25 Manavamma. Of all the difficulties
which according to the Cfilavancisa (47. 2 ff.) preceded Manavamma's as-
cent of the throne, the Rohana Chronicle apparently says nothing. A
similar difference exists as regards the names of the sons of Dappula I.
According to the Eohana Chronicle the eldest of these is Manavamma;
the Cfilavamsa apeaks of the sister^ son of Kassapa IT. only as Mana.57.11
Descent of Kitti
193
King Eassapa had a son known by the name of Mana. 4
He was adipada, a brave man and distinguished by his good
conduct. His elder brother the wise Manavamma had at one 5
time seated himself on the bank of the river in the neigh-
bourhood of Gokannaka1 and had made full preparations ac- 6
cording to custom for an incantation. He began after taking
the rosary2 in his hand, to murmur the magic verse. To him 1
there appeared Kumara on his riding bird3. The peacock pecked
with its beak at the plate with the offerings4, but finding no 8
drink in the old coconut shell with its holes, out of which
the water had run5, he flew at the magician's face6. The latter 9
thinking7 (only) of future success, offered it his eye. The
peacock slit it open and drank thereout violently. Kumara 10
was pleased, he granted the Prince his prayed-for wish and
departed brightly gleaming through the air8. When his 11
court officials beheld Manavarnma with his destroyed eye, they
grieved, but he comforted the people by telling them of the
1 See note to 41. 79.
2 See note to 46. 17.
3 The God Skanda, who is worshipped in Kajaragama, riding- on. the
peacock which is sacred to him. HOPKINS, Epic Mythology p. 227.
4 P. balipattfam. W. has a note to this: '"The tray or bowl in which
food, flowers, etc. are presented to spirits at the performances of magi-
cal rites". P. patta may mean "tray", but for ""bowl" we should expect
patta = skr. pfitra.
& W,: "Water Is generally placed in a coconut shell on the altar for
the benefit of the evil spirit".
6 P. japantassa wulimm gato. W. translates this by; "He went up
and stood In the presence of the wizard"* That Is misleading1.
7 P. bh&ciniin siddhim apekkkam. W. Interprets the passage quite
differently. HV translates: "The wizard remembered the Bhavim siddbi"
and remarks thereto in the note; UA course of action under certain
emergencies, prescribed in magical rites",
8 Popular tradition places the legend of the incantation described
m \.5fF. in the Vakirigala-vihura in the Kegalla District. The
magician Is mentioned only hj liis later monk1:* name of Mayurapada,
Tin* Vukiri^alii-vilmra w said to haw bwi called In former times Ma-
after him. BKI.L, Report on the Ke^ulhi Pi^iik't, p. 45.194
Descent of Kitii 57.12
12 fulfilment of his wish. Thereupon his companions were con-
tent and urged him to come to Anuradhapura and carry out
13 his consecration as king. ""What boots me the* royal dignity
now that I have a maimed body? I will practise asceticism
as soon as I hare undergone the ceremony of world-renun-
14 ciation. Let my younger brother, Mana by name, preserve
the inherited reign of Lanka.'1 With that he rejected the royal
15 dignity which had come to him. Having thoroughly grasped his
purpose, his court officials sent people to tell that his younger
16 brother. At the tidings thereof, the brother came speedily
hither, sought out his brother, fell at his feet, wept and grieved
17 sore and betook himself along with the elder brother, to
Anuradhapura where in accordance with the purposes of the
18 elder (brother), he took over the crown. Hereupon he b&iook
himself to Abhayagiri and doing reverence, besought the as-
cetics for admission for his brother to the ceremony of world-
19-'renunciation. Thereupon the ascetics carried out with the
cripple the ceremonies of world-renunciation and of admission
20 into the Order without regard to the regulations1. The Ruler
built for him the superb parivena Uttaromula and made him
21 head of the parive$a. He placed under him there six hundred
fahikkhus, gave him the seven supervisory officials2 and the
22 five groups of servitors3. He gave him further assistants who
1 According to the Vinaya (Mahavagga I. 71 = Yin. ed, OLDENBERO
I. p. 91) cripples are not admitted to the Order.
s P. patihdre satta. According to Abhp. 1018, patikara is equivalent
to dv&rapdldka. That is too narrow an interpretation if it is a case
here of "seven patihara". The word probablj means in general a mona-
stery official. In fact the Mihintale tablet A (line 20-21) enumerates
seven
of these: 1) Mher-piritahanuva, 2) niyam-jetu, 8) ti-kamigd, 4) pasdk-
Mmiya, 5) vehtr-lcya, 6) Jtarayd-hyfi, 7) karatydu-atsamu. For attempts
at explaining these difficult terms. see 'WICKRBVASINGHE, EZ. L 101. In
«lab B, line 5 an eighth is added, sarayin-ganndk. The wanfful-jetak
mentioned here in line 6 corresponds probably to the niyam-jetu in A.
3 CC 67. 58, as well m 84. 5. In the last passage, in addition to the
ivt groups of servants, ten others are also distinguished. W, says in
a to our passage that the five mean "carpenters, weavers, dyers,
asd workers in l*iitherM. 1 believe r,ith«»r that what is
meant57. 30 Descent of Kitti
195
were versed in various handicrafts and placed under him the
guardians of the Tooth Relic, His (the King's) counsellors were 23
the bhikkhus of the Abhayagiri (-vihara) and the King pro-
tected the people wholly according to his (brother's) advice.
But certain people who were of his lineage, but had no de- 24
sire for world-renunciation, .dwelt as they liked and were
addressed by the title of "Great Lord"3. From the pure race 25
of this King Manavamma versed in the law and in statecraft,
that was propagated in sons and grandsons with Aggabodhia 26
at the head, that was first among princely dynasties, there went
forth sixteen (sovereigns) of equal birth who held legitimate
sway in Lanka.
The monarch Mahinda had two (cousins) daughters of his 27
mother's brother. These fair (maidens) were known by the
names of Devala und Lokita. Of these two daughters, Lokita 28
conceived by the son of her father's sister3, the handsome 29
prince Kassapa by name, two sons called Moggallana and
Loka4, The elder of these, versed in all the ways of the
world and the Order, known by the title "Great Lord"5, 30
are workmen as enumerated in the Hihintale tablet B, line 7ff. We have
no idea it is true, of the principle on which the division of these ser-
vants into five or ten groups was made.
1 P. mahdsdmipadamsita = Skr. mahasvamipradarsitct. On the title
hitniyd = P. sdmi used of bhikkhus see note to 52. 10.
2 Aggabodhi V. It is true he is not mentioned by name in the list
of kings in the Culavamsa, perhaps owing to a gap in the text. See
above 48. 1 if. It should be noted that here the King, father of Agga-
bodhi, is not called Mana as in v. 14, but Manavamma, Of. note
to 57. 3.
3 P. maiulattaja'ni. I am inclined to assume that mdiula here is used
in the sense "father's sister". This would bring us back to the family
tree as STILL has drawn it up in the Index to the Mhvs. Kassapa'the
husband of Lokita, would then be the son of Mahinda ¥. (55.10), later
King Vikkamabahu I. (56. 1).
4 I take -MoggoLlanam ca Lokdvhe fora, disintegrated compound. The
change into MoggdlldndloJcavJie of the Col. Ed. is suggestive, but gets
no support from the MSS.
5 This title apparently customary in Rohana is derived according
to 45. 50 from Dappula I.
' . . 13*196 Descent of
Eitti 57-31
zealous in the service of the community, a habitation of many
choice virtues, took up his abode, in Rohana.
81 A grandson of King Dathopatissa1 who had undergone the
ceremony of world-renunciation in the Order of the Holy Buddha,
82 dwelt MI of faith, practising asceticism, controlled by discipline,
selfcontrolled in spirit, as hermit in a solitary spot, The
gods who had pleasure in him, praised everywhere his virtue.
33 When the Ruler of Lanka heard of his excellence, the fame
of which had spread everywhere, he sought him out, bowed
34 before him and sought to gain him as his counsellor2. But as
lie would not, he besought him again and again, had him
fetched and made him take up his abode in a finely built
3£ pasada. The King who prized highly the excellence of the
Master of the ascetics, as long as he dwelt there, ruled the
people in justice, walking in the way marked out by his ad-
S6 vice. But because the Master among ascetics in consequence
of the invitation given him in honourable fashion by the
Master of Lanka, had of his pity forsaken the mountain world3,
37 and having gathered bliikkhus round him, had taken up his
abode there, (the pasada) got the name of Selantara-
38 samuba. Since that time the sovereigns of Lanka make a
bltikHm spend the Bight in a small temple4 of the gods and
1 It k Impossible to determine whether Dathopatissa I. or II. is
mitunt here,
- The inf. ktftwn attunustixaHam, "to give Mm counsel" is governed
by Arfldhayam in 34 a. Which, King of Lanka is meant we do not
know. Perhaps Mimavamraa? The fragment vv. SI?39 has evidently
the object of leading from Mahinda from whom Kitti is descended
on his father's aide, to Dftthopati&ta from whom he is descended on his
mother** »Itk through Lokiti !?. 41).
3 P, ,«elflh!«« lit. "rotk interior" (perhaps = "rock
cave") with re-
to the tielantarHMHHuha. Of. wtn<?tc& in v. 37 a.
4 P. ikrayalli Cf. sir. pi//i' fclbiit". Tbe whole passage is very
W« are told of a ntu?
70» 151|, 3t i* held by a Wiikklm wh«» must be confirmed
in it by
a of oruHe. Tbi^ foiilirioafion ugain i« granted by the
devatas,
proof of the wjiy In which BuildhiHm is interwoven with popu-
lar57.52 Descent of Kitti
197
place him, if he has found favour with the deity, in the
leading position and when they protect Order and people, they 39
act according to the counsel of the ascetics who hold the
leading position.
By Prince Bodhi of the line of Dathopatissa te Princess 40
Buddha of lite lineage conceived a daughter, Lokita by name, 41
distinguished by most excellent marks. Afterwards she was
wedded to the able Moggallana, She conceived by him four 42
children, Kitti, the princess Mitta, Mahinda and Rakkhita.
The eldest son (Kitti) was (already) in his thirteenth year a 48
plucky hero, and extremely skilled in the use of the bow.
Swayed by one thought alone: how shall I become possessed 44
of Lanka once I have rid it of the briers of the foe? he dwelt
in the village called Mulasala.
A powerful man known by the name of Buddharaja, quar- 45
relied at that time with the general Loka1. He fled in haste 46
to the district called Cuwasala and having there by every
means made subject to himself many people, such as Kitti and
others, he dwelt together with numerous warlike kindred at 47
the foot of the Malaya mountains where he was difficult to
reach. To him there came a distinguished astrologer3 Samgha 48
by name, and portrayed the character of the prince (Kitti)
in favourable fashion. "The eldest son of the Great Lord 49
(Moggallana), who bears the name of Kitti, carries on him
the marks of power and is gifted with insight and courage,
Even in Jambudlpa he would, I believe, be capable of uniting 50
the whole realm under one umbrella, how much more so in
.the Island of Lanka!" When the other heard that, he made 51
the resolve to support the Prince and sent people to the
Prince. When the illustrious hero heard their message, he 52
for fear that they might hold him back, left the house without
1 The Loka described In 57. 1 as camundtha. W. inserts here the
words: "who ruled Roha^a". That Is not in the text, but it is correct
as far as Loka resided in Kajaragama* It is also not said that Buddha-
raja was a "prince'*.
2 P. samvaceharikanayajcot lit. a chief of the's. Of. skr. sanwatsarika
BE,, s..v. nr.2. ' ' .; ' ? . ' . ' ??
' . -, ' ?-.198
History of Kitti 57.53
53 his parents' knowledge, with nothing but his bow and seeing
all kinds of favourable signs, he prudently betook himself in
54 haste to the village of Saiivaggapitthi. While sojourning there,
the hero sent away his servants and captured the village
55 of Bodhivala then in possession of the opposite party1. There-
upon the arrogant general (Loka) sent his army thither; it sur-
56 rounded the village and opened fight2. The prince who full
of impetuous courage, fought with his soldiers against them,
scattered them in all directions, as a stormy wind (scatters)
57 cotton. He then betook himself, knowing the opportunity, to
the GuMasala district and during his sojourn there brought
58 the whole region of Malaya into his power. Even now the
general3 sent off his army over and over again, but as he
59 could not gain the upper hand, he became furious. A son of
the henchman Kitti4 dwelling in Makkhakudrusa, a'powerful
60 man known by the name of Devamalla, now came hither, ac-
companied by kinsmen and friends, at the head of many people
dwelling in Rohana, and with reverence sought out the Prince
61 (Kitti). He able and farfamed, at the age of fifteen girt on
62 his sword and demanded the dignity of adipada. Thereupon
he betook himself with a mighty force to Hirannamalaya and
63 built there on the Remu&a rock a stronghold. Thither too the
general6 sent his army, but as he did not stay victorious in
64 battle, he gave up the idea of renewing the war. The ruler
Lota6, the army's commander, now forsook this his world,
1 Namely of the general Loka.
2 The d«it. scungamaya with samdrabhi (instead of the ace.)
is,
irregular.
3 P. seninda Is like senanl a synonym of se-napati. The title of
"King" is newr accorded to Loka.
4 See above 55. 26, 31.
1 P. stands in the text and v. 61 camundtha, both synonyms
For {Loka).
6 In their list of Errata S, and B. correct falcartiitho into Inftanamo.
in certainly wrong. Without doubt a pun is Intended with ca-
the form LQ%&nri?Jia correapondn to the Lokescara of the
source*. Another pun w that with tofta* The word is contained
in flic la &aktint **his world" or "his people" and in
paraloka.57.74 History of Kitti
199
and in the sixth year of liis reign his goal was the other
world.
Now a Chief of the Kesadhatus1, Kassapa by name, got 65
the upper hand of the people and carried on the government
in Roha$a. At the tidings of this the Cola general, armed 66
for war, set out from Pulatthmagara and marched against
Kajaragama. But the Kesadhatu scattered the forces of the 67
Damilas in a battle, set up guards at the frontier of Rakklia-
pasaija2, and then the hero proud of his victory, returned 68
with his great army and entered Kajaragama. When the vi- 69
gorous3 Adipada (Kitti) heard all this, he quickly equipped
an army, to overwhelm the Kesadhatu, When the latter had 70
tidings of this he advanced full of pride with befitting troops
from Kajaragama to Sippatthalaka4. But when the Invincible 71
Prince (Kitti) at the head of many of the inhabitants of
Pancayojana5 and other districts drew near, he betook him- 72
self, perceiving that many of the dwellers in his own district
were averse from war, (and) -believing that a battle here
would be difficult, to Khadiranga$i6. With a great army 7 3
the royal youth (Kitti) aged sixteen years, entered at once
free from all fear, into Kajaragama. Having ruled Eohana 74
six months, the Chief of the Kesadhatus full of bitterness,
1 Here we meet for tlie first time with the remarkable expression
so frequently used later of kesaMMtn. W. translates kesadhdtunayaka
by "the Chief of the Hair Belie". But nayaka is used here in the same
way as in saimaccharikandyakaj v. 48} for in the sequel kesadhatu is
used alone. Cf. on this title the 'Introduction" III.
2 W. suggests doubtfully Rakvan.a.
3 P. sutthiradhatuko. The word dhatu at the end of a balravrihi
compound often means "kind, nature, peculiarity, character" and is
much, almost exclusively, used periphrastically. Thus in samadhatuka
"of similar kind11. JaCo. II. 3122; kHitthadh&uka "defiled" JaCo, I. 43820;
MdMradhatuka "hard of hearing" JaCo. II. 6S13.
4 See also 58. 7,
5 Now Pasdun-Korale, east of Kalutara, in the province Sabaraga-
rnuva. The P. word . ratiha is frequently used quite in the sense of
the Sinh. karate.
® See also 58. 86.200 History of
Kitti 57. 75
75 marched thither to battle. But the army of the royal youth
(Kitti) engaged him In hard battle and the mighty one cap-
tured the head c)f the Chief of the Kesadhatus.
76 Having reached the age of seventeen years, the Prince
the glory of whose great fame had spread on every side, who
was extraordinarily skilled in the use of the many expedients
such as kindness and the like had freed the whole of Roharja
from the briers of the foe.
Here ends the fifty-seventh chapter, called "The Sub-
jugation of the Enemies of Rohana", in the Mahavamsa,
compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.Vijayabdhu I SSB.
201
CHAPTER LYIII
THE ADVANCE TO ANUEADHAPDRA
The name Vijayabahu1 of the Prince wise in statecraft, 1
who now found himself in the position of yuvaraja, was known
everywhere. Gifted with abundant knowledge, he had the 2
drums beaten for his entering on the government and placing
numbers of his followers in befitting positions and applying 3
the four methods2 of warriors for the destruction of the Colas
who were ravaging Rajarattha, he took up his abode there
(in Roha^a). When the Cola King heard of that, he sent off 4
his Senapati who was then in Pulatthinagara, with army and
train. As Vijayabahu recognised that the (Cola) general who 5
1 Kitti adopts this name when he wins his claim to the throne. In
the rock inscription of Ambagamuva (BELL, ASC. Ann. Rep. 1910?11
= III. 1915, p. 121, no. 196; WICKBEMABINGHE, EZ. II 202 ff.) the king
calls himself Sirisangbo' Vijayabahu. He names as his parents
Abha Salamevan and Dev Gon, names which seem to have- been taken
over mechanically from the Raja-maligava inscription of Polonnarnva
on the introduction to which that of the Ambagamuva inscription rests
(See note to 54. 7). Important for the history of the reign of Yijaya-
bahu I. is the Tamil inscription of Polonnaruva dealt with by C. RA-
SANAYAGAM MMaliyar in JRAS. C. Br. xxix, no. 77, 1924, p. 266 ff., and
recently also by WXCKREMASINGHB, EZ. 1L 242 ff.
2 According to Abhp. 348 the eaium updya the four means of success
are bkeda "division (of the enemy)", datida "open war, offensive", sama
"friendly negotiations, treaty" and d&nani "gifts, bribes". The doctrine
of the four updya is also well known in Sanskrit literature. It is found
in the Mahabharata, in the Amarakosa, in Hemacandra's Abliidhana-
eintamani, in the Yijjnavalkyasmrti, in Mann, 7.109 (BE. s. v. dctnda 11).
Finally they are enumerated in Kautalya's Artharfastra 2. 10, 28; upayah
sdmopapraddndbhedadayddh as a method of royal policy. See J, J. MEYBR,
Das altind. Bttch vom Welt- und Staatsleben, p. 105.202
Vijayabahu I SSB. 58. 6
had advanced close to Kajaragama, could scarcely be defeated,
6 he withdrew into the mountain jungle. The (Cola) general
plundered Kajaragama in haste, but as he could not stay
7 there, he betook himself again to his province. Thereupon
tbe Mahadipada1 came hastily from Malaya and besieged
8 Sippattfaalaka2 with strong forces. The King (Vijayabahu) sent
to the King in the Ramanna3 country numbers of people and
9 much costly treasure4. Then arrived in the harbour many
ships laden with various stuffs, camphor, sandelwood and other
10 goods. By all kinds of valuable gifts he inclined the soldiers
to him and with large forces at his command, he took up
his abode in Tambalagama5.
11 All the inhabitants of Rajarattha grew hostile to one
12 another and paid no further tribute. The adversaries of the
Cola King full of arrogance, left his commands unheeded, ill-
treated the appointed officials and did what they pleased.
13 When the Cola Monarch heard this, he was filled with rage
14 and he sent off one of his henchmen with a great army. The
latter landed in Mahatittha, slew many people here and there
15 and subdued the inhabitants of Rajarattha. Later on he came
then, cruel in his commands, to Rohana and fell upon it with
1 The title mabadipada belongs to Yijayabahu in his position of
yuvaraja*
* See 57. 70.
3 Kame for Burma. Note that Vijayabahu from now onwards is
called fajd.
* P. mmn dfaanajatam. The word sdra is here (as also in v. 21)
as an adjective (see skr. sara, BE. s. v., 4); dhanajata which is
in v, 10, is nearly always a mere paraphrase for dhana.
s A TamMag&ma lies (Census of Ceylon 1921, II, p, 152} in the
Hixtidttni-Pattiiva of the Galle District not far from Batuvangala on the
upper Gin-ganga. If this is our TambalagSraa that would mean that
the centre of gravity of Vijayabahn's influence was in the west of Eo-
on the borders of DakkMB-adesa. The fact that the troops which
led the Kesadhatn Kassapa came according to 57. 71
tbe Paieayojana-ratiha supports this. It is supported too
li|- &t teller development of events. Th© Tambala mentioned 45. 78
fee wltli the T&mbalag&ma of oar58. 22
Vijayabdhu I SSB. 203
his army like the ocean which has burst its bounds1. Two 16
mighty men, Ravideva and Gala by name, became opponents
of the King (Vijayabahu) and went over both of them, to the
Damila commander. When the general saw them accompanied 17
by a great troop of adherents, he believed Rohana would
shortly be in his power.
In the twelfth year (of his reign) the King (Vijayabahu) 18
put up an entrenchment for the conquest of the Colas, on the
Paluttha mountain2 and took up his abode there. The Cola 19
army surrounded the rocks on all sides and a terrible fight
between the two armies took place. The King's soldiers 20
annihilated the Damila army, pursued the fleeing general of
the Cola Sovereign and got possession of his head at the vil- 21
lage of Tambavitthi3. Taking with them all the captured
implements of war, together with draught animals and chariots 22
and all valuable treasures, they showed it (the head) to the
1 I feel bound to keep to the text ajjhottharittJia sendya scunbhinnar
velo va sdgdro as adopted by me in iny edition. The fact of the second
pada having a syllable too much is of no account. See Culava. ed., Introd.
p. xii. If one compares the MSS. it is almost certain in the first place,
that ajjhottJiarittha and sambhinna are right, since they have been pre-
served in all groups of the MSS. The only question is as to what came
between the two words. The Col. Ed. with ajjhotthari saseno sa bhinno?
follows closely the MS. S 3. But what is remarkable is that this MS.
is here quite isolated and differs also from S 7, This looks as if we
had to do with an arbitrary alteration on the part of the copyist. And
how is tato or nato in all the other MSS. to be explained? I think
thus: In the archetype a tato was added by mistake to senaya, intended
originally for gantv&na in pada a. In group S 1, 2, 4 the word is in-
serted besides senaya, in S 6, 7 it has ousted this entirely.
2 P. Palutthapabbata, identical with the Palnt^hagiri mentioned
55. 28. As this occurs here in association, with Maragallaka (see Mote
to 48, 129), the mention of the Paluttha mountain would take us to the
west of Eohana, to the borders of Dakkhinadesa. Mr. HOCAST however
is inclined to identify it with Palatupana, 8 miles.East of Tissama-
harama. ASC. 1928, p. 17.
s If this, is the Tambavita in .the Paranakurn Korale of the Kegalla-
District, the pursuit must have extended far to the north, into DakkMija-
desa. That is also not unlikely, for up to his occupation of Pulatthina-
gara Vijayabahu evidently meets with no further. resistance.204
Vijayabahu I SSS. 58. 23
King and spake to him (thus): "It is time to march to Pu-
23 latthinagara."" When the Monarch heard these words of his
followers lie betook himself now with large forces to Pulatthi-
24 nagara. When the Cola Sovereign heard of all these events
he was overcome with fury, and as be desired to capture the
25 Monarch (Vijayabaliu), the hero went in all haste himself to
the harbour.on the sea-coast and sent a still larger army to
26 the Island of Lanka. When the Ruler (Vijayabahu) heard
that he sent off his general with a great force to fight with
27 the Cola army. The general marched to the neighbourhood
of Anuradhapura and gave the Damila host a fiery battle.
28 There fell in this fight many warriors of the Monarch and
still more of the inhabitants of his kingdom came into the
29 power of the Damilas. Thereupon the Monarch abandoned
Pulatthinagara and betook himself in haste to the district
80 called Yillikaba. Having removed the two officials who were
placed over this district, he took up his abode there, gathering
.31 his soldiers. On the tidings that the Cola general was pur-
suing him, he betook himself, aware of the right time1, to
3.2 the rocky hill of Vatagiri2. At the foot of this mountain he
built a stronghold and fighting, kept the Damilas three months
at bay,
33 The younger brother of the Chief of the Kesadhatus3 who
had been slain earlier in battle, had meanwhile gathered to-
34 gather a large troop of adherents and nursing wrath in his
heart at the slaying of his brother, he raised tie whole di-
3B strict of ftuttasala4 in rebellion. Thereupon the Sovereign of
1 That is, lie knew well that the time for open resistance to the
Colas not yet come.
8 From 60. 80 It ii clear that Vat&giri wag situated in the province
of DakkhiQadeea. Thus Vijayabalm retires not as one might expect*
or soutfe-eastwards over the Mahaveliganga but to the south-
Evidently lie to regain the base in the borders of Rolia^a
Dakkhirjadepa from which he started, Yatagiri Is no doubt the
Vnkirigalu. in the Galboda Korale of the Kegalla District.
left* oa the District ? ASC.f x«, 1802, p. 45.
* Sit 57. 65 ff,
* S« atfe to 51, 109.58. 41 Vijayabahu I
SSB. 205
Lanka marched thither in haste with a large- force and set
up an armed can>p at the place called Maccutthala. Then when 36
he had driven his foe in fight out of the stronghold Khadiran-
gani1, he chased him, still fighting/from Kubllagalla. He B7
left his ample possessions together with wife and child as well
as his troops in the lurch and fled in haste to the province
occupied by the Colas. Thereupon the Lord of men (Vijaya- 38
baliu) took to himself the whole of his possessions and betook
himself to Tambalagama2 where he erected a new stronghold.
In the course of time he went to the town called Mahana- 89
gahula3 and sojourned there arming his troops to fight with
the Colas. Thereupon the King summoned two of his hench- 40
men and sent them with large forces to Dakktii^adesa4 to
subdue the inhabitants there. Another pair of able5 officials 41
the Sovereign sent to the coast highroad6 to destroy the arrog-
1 See above 57. 72,
2 After Vijayabahu had protected bis rear by subduing the rebellion
in Guttasala, he returns at first to the position which is to serve him
as basis for his future operations (see note to 58. 10) and strengthens
it by fortifications. He next betakes himself to the place which may
now be looked upon as the capital of Rohana, to make further pre-
parations for the Cola war.
3 According to native tradition we must look .for Mahandgahula on
the lower Valave-ganga, N. W. of ? Ambalantota where to-day there are
extensive rice-fields similar to those of Tissamaharama (H. W. CODRIHGTON,
Notes on Ceylon Topography in the twelfth Century II, from a proof,
slip which I owe to the courtesy of the author). In agreement with
' this is the statement in v. 10 of the Manavulu-sandesa that the river
on which the town stood was the Vanavahitn. Mr. JAYABATANA of the
Colombo Museum drew ray attention to this passage, The Commentary
explains-the name of the river "bj.valaJioya; which is the Valave-ganga,
4 H. W. GODBINGTON (Notes- on Ceylon Topography in the Twelfth
Century, JRAS. C, B, Nr. 75, 1922, p. 64) rightly stresses the fact that
daklchinam passam does not mean "southward1* as translated by W. but
? is the same as dakkMnam desavn, .'?
5 P. fcakkhala "hard" in a good sense, as much as firm, enduring,
energetic.
6 Vijayabahu's strategy is clear. He attacks the position of the Colas
from, two sides:, from DakkMnadeea in the direction of Anuradhapura
and eastwards from the mountains in the direction of Polonnaruva, The-.206
Vigayabahu I SSB.
58.42
42 ance of-tlie Colas. Tie officials sent with large forces to
DakkM^adesa, took the stronghold at the village of Muhunnaru,
43 further Badalatthala, *the stronghold at Vapinagara, Buddha-
44 gama, Tilagulla, Mahagalla and MaiTtclagalla1. When later
"coast highroad" I would identify with the old road which avoiding
the hill country, led from Mahagama to Dastota or Mahagantota on the
Mahaveliganga not far from Polonnaruva. I am inclined to look upon
the embankment called Kalugalbamma which is crossed between
EMriyankumbura and Mahaoya by the Fassara-Batticaloa road as the
remains of this road. The road does not run along the sea, it is true,
but it runs from coast to coast, from Mahagama to Mahatittha. It
is doubtful whether the southern .part of this road led over Buttala,
The Eatemahatmaya Bibile informed me that one can recognize the
southern continuation of the Kalugalbamma further east at Kadiyangoda
and that the road runs from here beside an old beaten elephant track
direct to Mahagama. At any rate the northern continuation of the
Kalugalbamma does not lead to Mahiyangana, but leaving this to the
left, it seems to lead by Dolagalvela direct to the Mahaveliganga. Thus
this highroad must be distinguished from that which runs from Maha-
gama by way of Kataragama, Buttala, Medagama, Bibiie to Mahiyan-
garia and from there along the Mahaveliganga towards the north.
I myself found remains of this road in Bibile, other remains might per-
haps come to light at Alut-nuvara (Mahiyanganu) behind the hospital.
Yijayabahu apparently took advantage of a civil war raging at that
time in the Cola country. It ended with the accession to the throne
of Kulottunga Cola I. in A. D. 1069?70. H. W. CopuiHaToir, H. (X, p. 56.
1 The topographical identification of the greater part of these lo-
calities we owe H. W. COBRIHGTOS in the treatise cited above (note to
58.39). Of the names occurring here the following are mentioned else-
where 1) Badalatthala, 2) Buddhagama, 3) Tilagulla and 4) Mahagalla.
Muhunnaru and Vapinagara are doubtful. Badalatthala has been
identified by COBEINGTOH (following PABKER) with Batalagoda in the
Ihalavisideke Korale West of the Kuranegala District. STOREY on the
strength of the mention in an inscription of the Budgam-vehera (ASC.'
1908 = S. P. VI. 1913, p. 14-15} considers Buddhagama to be Me-
nikdena (see ASC. 1008 = VI. 1913, p, 13 f.) in the Yagapanaha Uda-
siya Pattu of the District Matale Korth, where the two roads leading
from Kurunegala and from Nalanda to Dambul approach one another,
and COMIINOTON supports this assumption. As to Tilagulla, Mr. CODRIXGTOX
refers me by letter to Takgalle Ela in the Katuvanna Korale of the
Kuranegala District. According to 68. 44 it is at least certain that it
was situated in Dakkhinadesa. For Mahagalla see note to 44. 8.58.56
Vyaydbahu I 8SB. 207
they had also taken Anuradhapura, they brought the whole
kingdom into their power and pushed forward to Mahatittha.
The two generals sent out to the coast highroad, plundered 45
Cbagama1 and other armed camps here and there, and when 46
later they had got near to Pulatthinagara, they sent mes-
sengers to the King that he should speedily come hither.
When the Euler heard of tlie extraordinary deeds of heroism 47
accomplished by the generals whom he had sent in two
directions, he aware of the time being propitious, equipped 48
his whole army and experienced in methods of war, he left
the town (Mahanagahula) to exterminate the Colas. During 49
the march the Sovereign set up a camp on the (Maliavaluka)-
ganga not far from the Mahiyangaija-thupa2 and took up his
abode there for a time. Afterwards the great hero aware of 50
the opportunity, betook himself to the neighbourhood of
Pulatthinagara and set up here an extremely strong forti-
fication. But all the warlike, valiant Colas who were to be 51
found here and there, gathered together in Pulatthinagara to
make war. The Colas came forth from the town and engaged 52
outside in a great battle, but they were beaten and returned
to the town. Then having secured all the gates of the towQ, 53
they carried on with great strenuousness a terrifying fight
from bastions and towers. For a month and a half the great 54
army of the Monarch kept the town surrounded but could
not subdue it. The great heros, the great fighters, the great 55
warriors of the Great King, the mighty ones with great pride,
Ravideva, Gala3 and the others scaled the walls, broke furi- 56
Finally Mandagalla is according to Mr. C. = Mahamadagalla in
Hiriyala Hatpattu N. E. of Eurunegala, A Madagala is also marked on
sheet F. 9 of the map (scale -one mile to the inch) 5 miles 8. S. W. of
Anuradhapura as name of a mountain. All the evidence points, at any
rate, to the progress of the operations against Anuradhapura from South
to North through Dakkhiuadesa.
1 Chagama or Cbaggama, it seems tome, has not been identified
with certainty. That it was situated in eastern Roharja is clear from 75,
3.
2 See note to 51. 74.
3 It was stated in v. 16 that these two generals had gone over to208
Vijaydbtihu I SSB.
58. 57
ously into the town and at once exterminated all. the Damilas
57 root and branch1. After King Vijayabahu had thus achieved
the victory; lie the discerning one, had the drums of Ms
58 dominion beaten2 in the town. But when the Ruler of the
Colas heard of this destruction of his army, he thought; the
Sihalas are (too) strong, and sent out no further army.
59 When the hero the discerning one, who had utterly de-
stroyed the best of the proud Colas, had placed the whole of
Eajarattha on a sure foundation3, he the best of kings, greatly
rejoicing, advanced in the fifteenth year (of his reign) to the
greatly longed for, the best (town of) Anuradhapura4.
Here ends the fifty-eighth chapter, called "The Advance
to Anuradhapura", in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene
joy and emotion of the pious.
the Colas, It would seem that later they again acknowledged the so-
vereignty of Vijayabahu. Or we have to do with a mistake of the
compiler.
1 P, mnlagftaccam aghatayum. I think we have to take mulayhaccam
as adverb. Of. Dh. 250 m. samuhatam "radically removed1', as also m. liar
P. III. 6712ff., 68 *. Of the overthrow of the Damilas by Vijayabahu
the Ainbagaffiuva inscription (see note to 58.1) says; "through his own
courage he drove away the whole darkness of the Damila forces and
brought the whole of the Island of Laitka under his umbrella" (!ine 23).
$ I e, he made known by beat of drum that he had ascended the
throne.
3 P. susadhu (adv.) thapitakh&ardjarattho. We have here no doubt
in Eajarattha the name of the province freed from the Damilas. See
note to 55. 22.
4 The fact that the King entered Anuradhapora is mentioned in the
Tamil inscription of Palonnaruva line 7?8; cf. note to 58. 1.VijayaMlm 1
SSB. 209
CHAPTER LIX
THE BESTOWAL OF FAVOURS
With the protection of Lanka in the vicinity of the sea 1
the King charged powerful followers, acknowledged warriors,
in regular turnx. Since for the festival of the royal conse- 2
cration2 a pasada and many other things had to be prepared,
he (likewise) charged one of his followers with this and after 8
he had there3 done reverence to the various places deserving
of honour, he returned, after a sojourn of three months, to
Pulatthinagara.
A troop leader known by the name of Adimalaya rebelled 4
quite openly against the Monarch and came, the deluded one,
hither with all his troops to fight, as far as the village known 5
by the name of Andu, in the vicinity of the town. The Euler 6
of Lanka marched thither, destroyed the haughty one4 and
returned to Pulatthinagara after bringing his troops into
his power.
From the time that he was yuvaraja, the wise Princef 7
that best of men^ had seventeen years chronicled in writing5,
1 I read yatipfrtiw and take the aceus. in an adverbial sense. His
followers had to take over alternately the protection of the coast. The*
Col. Ed. has patipattim and W. accordingly translates: "having {before)
instructed them in their duties1".
2 I should prefer now to put abhisf-kamanyalatthnw in the oratlo recta.
3 Namely in j&xmradhapura,
4 PUB OB uddhftritctii wldhatam. For the meaning of "amiiUlato"
cf. skr. Juir + ndf BR., 8.
5 The Is important, since it ^hown that annaU were kp^t at
court of the events during- wii year of the reign. The naitutive of
¥ijayabiha%» rei^n bears in particular a strongly unnalistii: c
14210 Vijaydbdliu I 8S$.
59. &
8 Having betaken himself hereupon to Anuradtapura and well
versed& in custom, had enjoyed the high festival of the coro-
9 nation after the manner of tradition, keeping not to evil but
keeping firmly to pious action, he, secure1 (in the royal
10 dignity), had the eighteenth year chronicled. Thereupon he
betook himself to splendid Pulatthinagara and dwelt there,
11 known by the name of Sirisamghabodhi. He invested his next
youngest brother Virabahu with the dignity of uparaja and
distinguished him in the customary way, by making over to
12 him the province of Dakkhinadesa. On his youngest brother
Jayabahu the Prince2 conferred the dignity of an adipada and
13 bestowed on him the province of Rohana. But on all his
ministers he bestowed office according to merit and directed
them to collect the dues in the kingdom in fitting manner.
14 The administration of justice which had long lain low, the
Sovereign a fount of pity, carried out himself, keeping to
the law, with justice.
15 While now the Ruler of men having rooted out the heaped
up briers of numerous foes, ruled his realm of Lanka ever in
16 most excellent fashion, three brothers, the Head of the umbrella
bearers, the President of the Court of Justice and the Chief
17 of the merchants3 became hostile to the King and betook
themselves, in light, to Jambudipa. In the nineteenth year
18 they landed again in Lanka, Together .they soon roused re-
volfc in the province of Bohana, the district of Malaya and
19 the whole of Dakkhinadesa. The prudent (Prince) marched to
and the Malaya district, slew here and there many
20 and he faa-d thoroughly pacified the country4,
Cf. 57* 4S» 61, 73, 76; 68. 18, 59; 50. 9, 17; 60. 86, 45, as also the
chrono-
of EZ. II. 207-8. It is noteworthy
too the IClDg**! coronation is celebreated in the anciently sacred
of Pnlatthmagara is the capital.
1 Pan 011
s E the sis because the caste of the
Khattiya
tit of Brahman.
a 11
mttMnatha.
4 I*.59.32 VijayaMhu I SS£.
211
and appointed officials there, he, the able one, advanced him-
self with great forces to Dakkhi^adesa. The hero there sent 21
on a general of the lineage of the brother of Sama^I1, cap-
tured his foes in bitter fight, had them impaled and after 22
freeing Lanka from the briers (of the rebels) he returned to
Pulatthinagara which was now devoid of all fear2.
At tbat time the royal consort of Jagatipala3 who dwelt 23
in the Cola Kingdom, had escaped with her youthful daughter
Lilavati by name, from the power of the Colas, had embarked 24
in haste, landed in the Island of Lanka and sought out the
Sovereign of Lanka. When the King heard the story of her 25
lineage and saw from that that she was of'irreproachable
descent, he had Lilavati consecrated as his mahesi. The Ma- 26
hesi conceived by the King a daughter and the Ruler gave
her the name of Yasodhara. Together with the province of 27
Merukandara the King gave his daughter to Yiravamma. She
conceived two daughters. The elder received the same name 28
as her grandmother4, Sugala by name was the younger of the
two. The King wishful for the continuance of his line, fetch- 29
ed from the Kalinga country the charming young princess
of the royal family of Kalinga, Tilokasundarf by name, and 30
had her consecrated as his mahesi5. She conceived five 31
daughters: Subhadda, Sumitta, Lokanatha, Ratanavalf and
Rupavatf and a son Vikkamabahu? furnished with the marks 32
1 1 believe'that by Samam the foster mother' of the Buddha,-Maha-
pajapatf, is meant. As slae was according to the Cullavagga X. 1 (=Vin.IL
253 ff.)» the first woman to receive the upasampada she; can be
described
as "the Nun" pure and simple. The general (saeiva) belonged thus to
the family of Gotama.
2 Or with the Col. Ed. nirdtankam "free of harm". The MSS. vary.
W. refers the word as predicative object, like vigatakantaJfam to Lanl'am,
From the position of the words it seems to me more correct to combine
nirdmnl'am with the following Pulatthinagaram.
3 See 56. 15.
4 Like her mdtdmaht, the mother of her mother. She was called
therefore, Lilavati.
5 Vijayabahu had, therefore, two mahesis, Lilavati (v. 25) and
Tilokasundari. . . . ' .
. . .
14* '? ? -212 Vijayabahu I
SSJ3. 59. 33
of future power. Now that lie had obtained increase of off-
83 spring, his wives won the King's heart1. Of the other women
of the court, except the wives of equal birth2, none concei-
ved by the Monarch a fruit of the womb.
34 Now one day as the King surrounded by the throng of
his courtiers, gazed on each of his daughters standing there
35 and, versed in signs," perceived on none of his other daughters
except on Batanavali the sign indicative of the birth of a son
36 (himself) furnished with the signs of power; seized by loving
emotion, he called Ratanavali to him, kissed her on the head,
37 and with tender joy spake to her thus: "This thy body shall
be the place for the birth of a son3 who will surpass all
38 former and future monarchs in glorious qualities, generosity,
wisdom and heroism, who will be able to keep Lanka ever in
39 safety4 and united under one umbrella, who will be in perfect
wise a patron of the Order, and who will display an abundant
40 and fine activity1'. Though repeatedly entreated by the Cola
Monarch, the King proud of his family, would not give him
41 his younger sister. On the contrary, he fetched the Pandu
King who came of an unblemished line5, and wedded to him
his royal sister Mitta by name who had been born after him.
42 She bore three sons, ManaBharana, Kittislrimegha by name,
43 and him who was called Sirivallabha. (His daughter) Subhadda
the Ruler gave with ample dowry to Vlratahu and Sumitta
44 to Jayablhu6. To Manabharana he gave his daughter Ratana-
1 I believe that hamntd which all MSS. have, should be separated
into ha/ran ffl. By td are meant the two queens LHavati and Tilotaaun-
dari who have borne children to the King. There is no need to change
the test.
2 That is of course the two MahesTs. The word itthdgara, lit. "women's
house" = Harem women, is used for the inmates, like the German
"Fmuensimmer"*
3 A prophecy concerning Parakkamabahii the Great, the future son
of R&tamlmlL
* The Col. Ed. h« here nwdmnkwn contrary to all the MSS. while
m t. 22 it hat mrd&zttfraift.
> Bet note to m. 15,
* aw! Jajabiha were younger brothers of Vijayabahu.59.51
VijaydJbtihu I SSB. -
213
vail, the one with the name Lokanatha to Kittisiriniegha (to
wife). As the one called Rupavati had died, he gave to Siri- 45
vallabha the princess called Sugala. When he beheld the 46
princes Madhukawava, Bhimaraja and Balakkara, kinsmen of
the Mahesi (Tilokasundan), who had come from Sihapura1,
the Monarch found pleasure in them and granted each of them 47
befitting maintenance. All of them having enjoyed such honour 48
and distinction, dwelt ever loyal to the Ruler, where they
pleased. The younger sister of these princes, Sundarl by name2, 49
he, concerned for the continuance of his house, gave to
Vikkamabahu (to wife). Further he also gave Vikkamabahu 50
the excellent Lllavati together with (befitting) income, taking
pleasure in the welfare of his kindred.
Thus caring for those belonging to him, full of riches, SI
above all bent on kindness, he did what served the good of
his kindred and what at the same time was politically wise.
Here ends the fifty-ninth chapter, called -"The Bestowal
of Favours", in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene Joy
and emotion of the pious.
1 Sihapura is the town which according to the legend (ef. Mhvs. 6* 35)
was founded in Lala by Vijaya's father SIhabahu. Lala borders in the
north on the Kaliiiga kingdom, the home of Tilokasundari, as must be
inferred from Mhvs. 6. 1-5. The south-eastern district of Chutia Nagpur
to the west of Bengal, is still called Singbbhum.
2 All the MSS. have the form Sunan with the single exception of
S 7, which has Sundarl. The latter is confirmed by an inscription. In
the rock Inscription of Dimbulagala (EZ. II. 184 if., 194 ff.) the Queen
calls herself Sundaramah'adevi, consort of the King Yikomba (i. e.
Vikkamabahu) and mother of Gaja-bahu-deya. In the course of the
Inscription she refers to a meritorious work which she had performed
In the reign of her husband's predecessor Jayabahu.214
VijayaMhu I SSB.
CHAPTER LX
CARE FOR THE LAITY AND FOR THE ORDER.
1 The Ruler chose people of good family whom lie had all
around liini1 and, as was customary, charged them with his
2 protection2. In Pulatthinagara he had a high and strong-
wall built, provided with many bastions, well faced with stucco,
3 defended round about with a long, broad and deep trench and
equipped with high parapets3 difficult for the foe to reduce.
4 As the number o*f the bhikkhus was not sufficient to make the
chapter full for the (holding of the) ceremony of admission into
5 the Order and other acts, the Ruler of men who had at heart the
continuance of the Order, sent to his friend, thePrince Anuruddha4
6 in the Ramanna country messengers with gifts and had fetch-
ed thence bhikkhus who had thoroughly studied the three
1 P. sabbe sam&diya, overlooked in W.'s translation.
- They were Ms permanent bodyguard. P, yatlidcaram "as was
customary" like the skr. yatJiac&ram, with the same meaning. BR., s. v.
3 P. pattkandUa. The word occurs again M. II. 155 as the designation
of a part of a hermitage and in the combination -dile cahlcamano* The
skr. tthaqdila = pa-tihafidUa means "a level floor, bare floor". What
is in a fortification cannot be determined. Unfortunately
the descriptions which Kautalya's Arthasastra 2. 3, 21, gives of the con-
struction of a fortresi, are so obscure and difficult that they do not
help us further,
4 King Anuruddha of Burma, the national hero of the Burmese, was
crowned in the 1010 (PHATOK, Hist, of Burma, p. 22). There are
chronological difficulties about Anuruddha's being the contemporary of
YiJayftMOaii 1. The assumption in probably an arbitrary one on the
of the author of our part of the Mahavamsa or of his source.
V^ay&balra fetched bhikkhus from Burma is confirmed by the
of Polonnarnva mentioned above (note to 58, 1). The
feel k abo in Pljtlv. aad Hik.-s*60.15
Vijayabahu I SSB. 215
Pitakas, who were a fount of moral discipline and other vir-
tues, (and) acknowledged as theras. After distinguishing them 7
by costly gifts, the King had the ceremonies of world-re-
nunciation and of admission into the Order repeatedly per-
formed by them and the three Pitakas together with the com- 8
mentary frequently recited and saw to It that the Order of
the Victor which had declined in Lanka again shone brightly.
Within Pulatthinagara he had many charming yiharas built 9
at different places1, made bhikkhus who belonged to the 10
three fraternities2, take up their abode there and gladdened
them by abundant (gifts of the) four necessaries. After buil- 11
ding a vihara beautiful by reason of its threshold pillar3,
provided with wall and trench, beautified by a splendid five-
storeyed pasada, well equipped with charming rows of dwel- 12
lings round about, filled with people4, provided with a roomy,
superb, sumptuous gateway5, he, holding precious above all 13
things the three (sacred) objects, made it over to the bhikkhus
dwelling in the three fraternities. For their support with 1^
food he granted to the community the whole district of Ali-
sara6 together with the canal diggers7 dwelling there. To 15
several hundred bhikkhus he assigned dwellings there, sup-
plying them regularly with the four necessaries in ample
1 P. padesasmim taMm tahim, equivalent to tasmim tasmim padese.
2 See below note to 60. 56.
3 It is doubtful whether eldkatthambha- is to be understood as a
dvandva or as a tatpurusa compound. At any rate what is meant is
the whole frame of the' .entrance gate on which great care was expended
In the buildings of Ceylon.
4 What is meant probably, are the monastery servants who were
present in great numbers.
5 P* gopura here probably the main gateway of the whole establishment.
15 Now Elahera in the Matale District, N. E. of Nalanda on the
Ambanganga. BELL, ASC. 1910-11 = X. 1914, p. 42; ASC. 1911-12 =
III 1915, p. 66.
7 P. neitilza "one who makes conduits for irrigating rice-fields"
(Cur&DBBs).
Of. udakam Id nayanti nettikfi Dh. 80, 145; Therag. 19; M. II. 1055.
These people had to keep in order the rice fields granted to the mo-
nastery. "WVs translation "the chiefs of the people who dwelt there"
is wrong.
. ..216 Vijayabahu I
SSB. 60.16
16 measure. After building for the Tooth Relic a beautiful and
costly temple1 he instituted permanently for the Tooth Kelic a
17 great festival. Holding himself aloof from intercourse with a
large circle2, he translated the Dhammasangani every morning
13 in the beautiful preaching-hall3. While Instituting many offerings
of sweet-smelling savours, flowers and the like with dance
and so forth, he was wont, joined with him in faith, to wor-
19 ship the Enlightened One with bowed head. The many scho-
lars4 who came from Jambudipa and who were worthy of a
gift, the mighty Monarch who was a hero in giving, gladdened
20 with gifts of money. For the preachers of the true doctrine
he instituted offerings of divers kinds; and rejoicing ever at
the merits of the doctrine, made them teach the true doc-
21 trine. Thrice he dispensed alms to the poor of a weight
equal to that of his body5 and on the Uposatha day he kept
22 the Uposatha vow in blameless fashion. Every year the So-
vereign instituted a Dandissara offering6; he had the Tipitaka
2S copied and presented it to the bhikkhu community. By the
sending of costly pearls, precious stones and other jewels,
he reverenced, sacrificing many times over, the sacred Bodhi
Tree in Jambudipa.
24 Envoys sent by the Kannata Monarch7 and by the Cola
25 King came hither with rich presents. They sought out the
Monarch. He was greatly pleased thereat and after rendering
26 both embassies what was their due, he sent at first8 with the
1 Confirmed by the Tamil inscription cited above 58. I.
* P, §maBam$aniMf the same meaning as DhCo. 4. 14313, here a
pin on dhotMwasang&Qi.
s P. synonym for flhammo8&t&.
4 P. plttr. sUmyo. At the end of a compound, Hhvs. 85, 44 with
the a«ki!fal in" etc, I. Sg. mlrina Mhvs. 26. 23-
8 Confirmed by the Tamil Inscription of Polonnarava L II.
* Thfc origin of the is unknown. All we know from parallel
(51 S; 68, 80) is that It WEI alms dispensed to wandering
anil
* See note to 55, It.
* P* fL t. of the two ado (at first). The
envoys of
lit at lint60.36
Vijayabahu I SSB. 217
messengers his own envoys to Kaijnata with choice
gifts. But the Colas maimed the noses and ears of the Sihala 27
messengers horribly when they entered their country1. Thus 28
disfigured they returned hither and told the King everything
that had been done to them by the Cola King. In flaming 29
fury Vijayabahu in the midst of all his courtiers had the
Damila envoys summoned and gave them the following message
for the Cola king. "Beyond ear-shot2, on a lonely island in 30
the midst .of the ocean shall a trial of the strength of our
arms take place in single combat, or, after arming the whole 31
forces of thy kingdom and of mine a battle shall be fought
at a spot to be determined by thee: exactly in the manner I 32
have said it shall ye report to your master". After these
words he dismissed the envoys clad in women's apparel, in 38
haste to the Cola King, then he betook himself with his army
to Anuradhapura. To the seaports Mattikavatatittba3 and 34
Mahatittha he sent two generals to betake themselves to the
Cola kingdom and begin the war4. While the generals were 35
procuring ships and provisions in order to send the troops to
the Cola kingdom, then, in the thirtieth year (of the King's
reign), the division of the troops called Velakkara5 revolted as 36
1 On the way Into the Kannata country.
2 Some MSS. have sonam vmd, some sotam vina which comes to the
same thing n and t being constantly mistaken for each other. I keep
to sotam mnd which gives excellent sense, but believe that we must
derive sota from the Skr. Srotra rather than from srotas. The alteration
of the Col. Ed, into senatn vind would merely be tautological.
3 The name means "clay-pit landing-place". The place is otherwise
never mentioned.
4 Nothing is said about any answer of the Cola King to Vijaya-
balra's challenge.
5 In the Tamil inscription of Polonnaruva the Vejaikkara are
mentioned as the troops which had taken over the guarding of the
Tooth Relic. They were a group of soldiers or a military clan and ac-
companied, as we learn from inscriptions of Southern India (WICKBE-
MASINQHE, EZ. II. 247), King Bajendra Cola I to Ceylon. Since that time
they had great Influence in the Island, serving as mercenaries to the
king. According to RA'SAHAYA
37 they did not want to go thither. They slew the two generals
and like rutting elephants in their unbridledness, they plun-
88 dered the country round Pulatthinagara. They captured the
younger sister of the King with her three sons1 and burned
39 down with violence the King's palace. The King left the
town and betook himself in haste to Dakkhinadesa and having
40 hidden all his valuable possessions on the-Vatagiri2 rook, he
advanced together with the Uparaja Virabahu, of lion-like
41 courage, and surrounded by a great force, to Pulatthinagara
where after a sharp fight he shortly put the assembled troops
42 to flight.. Placing them around the pyre on which were
laid the remains of the murdered generals, he had the recreant
43 leaders of the troops, their hands bound fast to their backs,
chained to a stake and burnt in the midst of the flames bla-
44 zing up around them. The Ruler having (thus) executed there
the ringleaders of the rebels3, freed the soil of Lanka every-
where from the briers (of the rebels).
45 The King did not lose sight of the aim he had set him-
self of fighting with the Cola (King), and in the forty-fifth
46 year (of his reign) he marched with war-equipped troops to
the port on the sea and stayed there some time awaiting his
47 arrival. But as the Cola (King) did not appear, the King
dismissed his envoys, returned to Pulatthinagara and resided
there a considerable time.
48 The tanks Mahaheli, Sareheru and Mahadaitika by name,
49 KafunnariE, Para-davapi and Kalalahallika by name, the tank
the king. Although their disloyalty was punished by Vijayabahu with
bloody severity, rebellions of the Yelakkaras took place even at the time
of Gajablira (SB. 24 ff.) and Patakkamabahu I. (74 44: ff.).
1 The Princess Mitta with her sons Manabharana, Kittisirimegha and
Sirivalkbha. See 59. 41-2.
f See 68. 31 with note.
3 la gttmartt the latter must be taken as ace. pL» the
former
us gen, pi. M&nin "proud, arrogant" is evidently the same as "unbrid-
led, rebellious"* m noun "rebel". W. translates: "moreover, the king
the lands of the haughty nobles who dwelt there". But v. 44
to the execution of the rebel leaders.60.56
Vijayabahu I 883. 219
Era^clegalia and the Dighavatthuka tank, the tanks Mandava-
taka and that of Kittaggabodliipabbata; the tanks Valahassa, 50
Mahadaragalla and KumbliTlasobbhaka, the Pattapasaria tank
and the tank called Kai^a1: these and many other tanks whose 51
dams had burst, he had (newly) dammed up, since Ills efforts
were ever directed to the welfare of the distressed. By build- 52
ing dams here and there on brooks, rivers and streams the
Sovereign made his kingdom fruitful. While damming up 53
(anew) the damaged Tilavatthuka canal he filled the Maijihira
tank with water. His own Mahesi who disturbed the peaceful 54
life of the viharas, he deprived of her revenues and had her
led out into the town with an iron collar2, conciliated the 55
community and thus testified to the world his reverence for
the Order, In the three fraternities in Mahagama he restored 56
the relic shrines3 destroyed by the Colas4 and likewise the
1 Of these lakes several have been already mentioned, others are
mentioned later. The Mahadattika is mentioned 38. 50 under Dhatu-
sena, the Valahassa 37. 185 under Upatissa II., as well as 42.67 under
Aggabodhi II. The Pattapasaria was built according1 to 41. 61 by
Moggallana by the damming-up of the Kadambanadi which flows past
Anuradhapura. The Kan a, which is mentioned under Sena I. and 1L,
50. 72 and 51. 73, must probably be looked for in the vicinity of the
Mihintale mountain. Amongst the many tanks restored by Parakkama-
bahu I. which are enumerated 79. 3Iff. the Mahatlatta, the Valahassa,
the Kurubhllasobbhaka, the Mahadaragalla, the Pattapasana
and the Kana recur. Lastly, among the lakes made or restored by
Parakkamabahu in Dakkhinaclesa before his ascent of the throne (68. 43 ff.)
aiv the Katunnaru and the Kalalahallika (cf. also 70. 73, 168).
The Pa 1.1 (1ft va pi according to 68. 39 was enlarged by him. This must
surely be -the Pandavava in the North-West Province, about 16 miles
N. W. of Kurunegala, notwithstanding PAKKEII'S opinion against it.
See CODBINGTON L 70.
2 Lit.: aby having her caught by the neck". It would seem that the
Queen had infringed the right of asylum (alhayu) of the vihara.
3 P. dhtitugallha, equivalent to Sinh. ddgaba, dtlgoba, dagaba. The
word occurs already in the Mhvs, 31. 94, Note that Pulatthinagara (60.10)
and Mtihagama had each its three monastic fraternities (tayo niliaytt,
note to 41. 97) jo»t as AnunTdhapura.
4 Refers probably to the plundering of Rohuna by the Damilas under
Mabimla V. See 55« 15 ff.220
Vijayabahu I SSB. 60. 57
57 two Tiiupararaas1. At the place of his mother's fire-burial as
also at that of his father in Budalavitthi he erected fiva large
58 dwelling houses (for bhikkhus). The viharas Panxjavapi, Pathina,
Rakkhacetiyapabbata, likewise Ma:pdalagiri, and the Madhutthala-
59 vihara, the vihara called Uruvela and the vihara in Devanagara,
the vihara Mahiyaiigana and the cave temple Sitalaggama,
60 the Jambukola-vihara and Girikandaka, the Kuruindiya-vihara
61 and the cave temple of Jambukola, the Bhallataka-vihara and
Paragamaka, the vihara called Kasagalla and the vihara called
62 Candagiri, the Velaganii-vihara and that in the village Maha-
sena by name, the vihara in Anuradhapura and the temple
63 of the Bodhi Tree (there): these and many other viharas2
which had fallen into decay, the Sovereign restored an
1 That the Thuparama of Anuradhapura and that of Pulatthinagara
are meant Is not at all certain. According to the wording of the text
? Mahagarna stands at the beginning of the whole verse ? one would
expect the Thuparamadvayam to be in Mahagama.
2 Of these viharas that of Pandavapi lies without doubt near the
lake mentioned 60.48. Whether the Rakkhacetiyapabbata is identi-
cal with the Rakkha-vihara of 44. 51 remains doubtful. Cf. note 46. 29
for Marulalagiri. Madhutthala is mentioned 75. 147 as a fortified
place (dugga), and this is identified by CODRINGTON (Notes on Ceylon
Topography in the twelfth century, II.) with Migoda, a hamlet not far
from Urubokka (Moravak Korale, Matara District). The Census of 1921
(II. 142) mentions a Migoda (and also a Madugoda) In the Talpe Pattuva
of the Galle District. That sinh. goda is the equivalent of fhala in
the Pali form of place names in the Mhvs. is a discovery whose credit
belongs to CODEINGTON. Devanagara is the present Dondra. One could
also translate v. 59 as follows: "the vihara called Uruvela in Devana-
gara.". Jambukolavihara and Jambukolalena are the Dambul
monastery 26 miles N. of Matale, and it& celebrated rock temple. The
Bhallataka-vihara was built according to $8. 47 by Dhatusena,
Kuruindiya might be identical with the Kuranda mentioned in 42.15
as a foundation of Aggabodhi I. I believe the Candagiri-vihara to
be the monastery belonging to the Sandagiri Tope In Tissamaharama.
A Mahasena-vihara is mentioned 48.8 and 51,76, a village Maha-
senagama 75. 103. Mahiyangana Is known, see 51.74, note. The
other viharas are only namdd In our passage. The reading Kasagalla
is doubtful.60.71 VijayaMJm I SSB.
221
the people who trod the difficult road to worship the foot-
print of the Sage on the Samantakuta1 mountain might not 65
become weary, he granted for the dispensing of gifts, the
village called Gilimalaya2 where there were rice fields and
the like, and had rest-houses built on the road past Kadalfgama 66
and on the path from the province of Huva3 hither, granting
villages to each of these (for providing maintenance) and after 67
having the words uln future kings shall not take possession
of these" engraved on a stone pillar the Monarch set this up.
The villages of Antaravitthi, Samghatagama and Sirima^dagala- 68
gama he granted to the Labhavasin (bhikkhus)4. To the 69
Vantajlvaka bhikkhus5 he gave the four necessaries and to
their kindred he granted maintenance villages. '' In the cool 70
season he gave to the bhikkhus abundantly of rugs and char-
coal pans6, as well as of all kinds of medicine. He dispensed, 71
the discerning (Prince), to the bhikkhu community in careful
fashion over and over again all articles of necessity and of
1 The old Mahavamsa has only Sumanabuta as name for Adam's
Peak. In tlie second part Samantakflta is the form used. From chapter
86 onwards the old name appears with it and is used by preference.
3 Gilimalaya situated in the Kuruviti Korale of the Ratnapura
District (Census of C. 1921, II. 476), is an example of resumption of a
royal grant in Ceylon. Under the Kandyari government it was a royal
village. H. W. CODRINGTON, H, C., p. 54.
3Kadaligamais without doubt the present Kehelgamuva (CODKINGTON)
north of Adam's Peak, situated on the small river that joins the Maskeliya
a little farther down. The river then joins the Kelaniganga at Yatiyan-
tota. The sacred mountain was climbed from the North by way of Ka-
dallgama. From the East the path of approach led through the province
Hum, i. e. now Uva. The inscription of Ambagamuva (note to 58. 1)
describes minutely all that the King did for the famous place of pil-
grimage and so confirms the content of our passage.
4 See note to 54. 27. Of the three villages mentioned Antaravitthi
occurs also in 61. 46 and 70. 822. It was situated in Bijarafctha ap-
parently not far from Pnlatthinagara.
5 Evidently an ascetic sect similar to the Labhavasins just mentioned.
The name means "one who has thrown away his life".
9 P. aggtkapoRa JaCo. vi. 818 (D. ANDERSEN and H. SMITH).222
Vijayabahu I SSJB. 60.72
72 the necessaries he gave eight-fold1. The many villages in
Roliaria granted by former kings, for the feeding of the com-
73 munity, to the Labhavasin bhikkhus and to those who made
it their duty to sacrifice to the cetiyas and other sacred ob-
jects, did he further without exception decree for the
74 same purpose. To cripples the strong one gave strong oxen
(for work) and to crows, dogs and other animals he dispensed
75 food, great in pity. To many authors of poems he gave, him-
self an eminent poet, great possessions with heritable villages2.
76 Did he hear verses composed by the sons of royal officials
and by others, this prince of poets gave them befitting gifts
77 of money. To the blind and the lame he granted villages
separately and of that which was formerly spent for the shrines
78 of the gods3 he took nothing away. To women of good
family who were unprotected or widowed, the Sovereign gave
79 according to their deserts, villages, food and clotMng. The
highly gifted King stood in the composition of Sihala poems
80 at the head of the Sihala poets. The Uparaja (Virabaliu)4 who
hung with reverence on the beautiful Baddhaguna-vibara, had
the cetiya here that had been destroyed by the Colas restored.
81 Generous as he was5, he then made over to this superb vihara
82 fine villages and instituted regular sacrificial festivals. Near
to the forest6 which lay close to this vihara, he had a tank
88 built which was solid and held abundant water. In the
Kappuramulayatana7 the King's daughter Yasodhara built
1 The attha pariklchdrd of the bMkkhu are the alms-bowl, the three
garments, girdle, razor, needle and water sieve. For the catupaceaya,
on tlie other hand, see 37. 76 note.
2 P. pavenigama is a village that remains in possession of the family.
The word is formed like pavefkirajja DhCo. I. 1698.
3 The temples of the Hindu deities are meant.
4 See 59.11; 60.40,
5 P. muttacagi m otherwise mwttac&go (Skr. muktatyaga) S. I.
A. L 22612; DhCo. I. 42119; Hhvs. 51. 8.
s P. upac&ravana. Of. PTS. P. D. §. v* upacdra 4: entrance,
i. e. immediate vicinity or neighbourhood.
7 As dyatana at the of namas i§ occasionally as60.91
VijayaMJiu I SSB.
223
a massive, charming and large image house, and in the Se- 84
lantarasamulia (-vihara)l she, created Queen2 by the King,
erected a beautiful, lofty pasada which received the name of
Pasada3. In the same way many courtiers and women of his 85
harem amassed many merits in many ways.
While thus the Sovereign of Lanka reigned over Lanka, 86
the TJparaja (Virabahu), a man of excellent character, was
brought by cruel death into his power. After performing all 87
the funeral rites for him, he granted the dignity of uparaja,
at the counsel of the bliikkhus, to Jayabahu4. The rank of 88
adipada he bestowed on Vikkamabahu, and when later a son
was born to Vikkamabahu, known by the name of Gajabahu,
the King having taken counsel with his ministers, made over to 89
him, desirous of the welfare of his son, the whole of Roliaija
as dwelling-place. He (Vikkamabahu) betook himself thither, 90
made the town of Mahanagahula5 the capital and took up
his abode in it.
After this Ruler of men, Vijayab.ahu, had thus for five 91
and fifty years rolled the wheel of dominion6 without its
{cf, Selantarayatana, 78. 10) Kappuramulayatana may be meant for the
Kappura-parivena (45. 29; 46. 21; 50. 77) belonging to the Abhayagiri.
1 Cf. 57. 37.
2 I retain the reading rtfjiriikata to which the MSS. point. We know
from 49. 3; 50. 58; 54. 11 that rfijinl Is a title bestowed by the King
on his female kinswomen. It Is thus clear from our passage tliat the
King raised his daughter Yasodhara to the rank of rajini and that she
then built the structure described in the verse.
3 The name was thus probably Pasadapusada, so called because
of the satisfaction (pasada) felt by Yasodhara at the distinction con-
ferred on her.
4 This is quite In keeping with the Sinhalese law of succession
according to which before the son, In this case Vikkamabahu, the younger
brother, has claim to the throne.
s See note to 58. 89.
6 In the Tamil inscription of Polonnarava (note to 58. 1) it is said
that the King Sirisamghabodbivarman Sirivijayabahudevar reigned
55 years and celebrated 73 birthdays. According to PQjav. he reigned
over 50, according to Rajav. even 80 years.224
Vijayabahu I SSB. 60.91
wavering, and had served the Order as also the people sore
vexed by fear of the wicked Damilas, he ascended to the
heavenly world to behold the rich reward that had sprung
from his meritorious works.
Here ends the sixtieth chapter, called "Care for the Laity
and for the Order", i*1 the Mahavamsa, compiled for the
serene joy and emotion of the pious.Jayabahu I
225
CHAPTER LXI
HISTORY OP THE LIVES OF THE FOUR KINGS
Thereupon Mitta, the younger sister of the King, her three 1
sons, the highest dignitaries and the ascetics dwelling in the
district met together and without sending news of the Monarch's 2
death to the Adipada (Vikkamabahu) dwelling in Roha^a, they
took counsel together and when they had become of one mind $
they bestowed the consecration as king of Lanka on the Yuva-
raja (Jayabahu). But to the dignity of uparaja they appoint- 4
ed the prince called Manabhara^a, all thereby quitting the
path of former custom1. And all three brothers with Mini- 5
bharatja at the head, in company with Jayabahu, took for-
cible possession of all Taluables regarded as specially costly, 6
such as pearls, jewels and the like, as well as of the vehicl-
es, and of the elephants and so on, and left Pulatthinagara 7
with the whole army (with the intention): we will speedily
seize (the person of) Vikkamabahu. At the tidings of all these 3
events Vikkamabahu thought: "Unhappily I had no chance of
paying my father the last honours, I will now betake myself 9
in haste to Pulatthinagara and by gazing on my father's
funeral pyre, assuage the heavy grief which weighs on my 10
soul.'r With this firm resolve ' the Adipada left his town
1 Jayabahu's ascent of the throne is lawful (see note to SO. 87), on-
lawful on the other hand, is the appointment of Manabhar&na as uparaja,
which at once makes him heir to the throne. After Jayabihu, Vikkama-
bahu is heir, .as son of Vijayabafau. Evidently descent in the female
line has to do with this, the bhdglneyya the son of the sister, having
an exceptional'position, a circumstance utilized by Mitta in furtherance
of her ambitious plans. Jayabahu is, as will appear, a pup}***! king*
The -whole influence is now already in Hanabharaga's hand.228
Jayabahu I 61.11
11 (Mahlnagahula) and full of high courage, accompanied by a
force seven to eight hundred strong, set out for Pulatthina-
12 gara. While still on the way, in the district of Guttasala at
the Tillage of Panasabukka, he caught sight of the great
13 army approaching in battle array, but he wholly a hero1,
free of all fear, opened fight and at once' scattered the foe
14 in all directions. Having suffered this defeat, the three bro-
thers, stubborn-minded, armed troops and train anew, and
15 gave battle in the district called by the name of Adipada-
jambii, but Vikkamabahu routed the three (brothers) still more
16 severely in the battle. For the third time he fought them at
Ka|agama, for the fourth time at Ealavapi, for the fifth time
17 at Uddhanadvara, for the sixth time at Pankavelaka3 and
ever lie was victorious, and reached Pulatthinagara accompa-
18 nied by his ministers and attendants. In the intended way
he visited his father's place of burial and freed of his great
19 grief, and comforted he took up his abode in the town. On
his ministers who had been his friends in need.he bestowed
20 according to merit, full maintenance by means of office; and
to all the soldiers also who had come with him? he gave fit-
ting reward mindful thereof that they had stood by him in
his need*
21 ' The Monarch Manabhara^a with the other brothers seized
1 P. e&avirct, wrongly translated by W. "being the only brave man
In hi* company". Eka here has rather the sense of "only, purely,
nothing bat" an In ml'alanwesanam el'aravam katvd JaCo. I 486 9, aggim
Ja. VI. 4952S etc,
2 It be proved that all these skirmishes took place in a eora-
to the north and north-east of Buttala. This
i* proved by the mention in the last place but one of Uddhana-
il ? (ass Udtindora). The position of this place which is
mentioned
In chapters 74 and 75, has been in the main determined
i»y la Us article on the Topography
of Ceylon in
tit? Will ct*ntnry. According to a notice in the Da}ada-Pojavali U
wan abta to pwet Is the older name for Monaragala
R. II 01 lllavapi, if tie i« right,
has at any rate
ta in61.29 Jayabahu I
227
Dakkhiijadesa and Eoha^ia1, and thereupon conferred on Kit- 22
tisirimegha the province of Dvadasasahassaka2 and ordered
him to take up his abode there. Charged by his brother, the 23
Ruler of men Kittisirimegha betook himself thither and dwelt
in the town called Mahanagahula3. To the Prince Sirivallabha 24
by name he granted the region called Atthasahassa4 and com-
manded him to dwell there. So the latter betook himself thi- 25
ther, made of the village of Uddhanadvara by name, the
royal capital and dwelling there, ruled the land. He himself 26
(Manabhara^a) advanced with the army to Dakkhiriadesa and
dwelt, under the name of Virabahu, in Punkhagama5. The 27
mother of the three brothers and the Monarch Jayabahu so-
journed at that time with Kittisirimegha (in Mahanagahula).
A year having passed, Manabhara^a and the others remem- 28
bering all the shameful6, severe defeats inflicted on them in
battle by Vikkamabahu, egged on ever and again by their 29
1 A complete change of front has taken place. 'Vikkamabahu has
lost the province of Rohana and in addition Dakkhinadesa to Ms ene-
mies. On the other hand, he is now master of Rajarattha which was
formerly in the hands of Jayabahu and the sons of Mitta.
2 The name means "Province of the twelve thousand (villages)". The
Sinhalese Dolosdas corresponds to this (CoDRraaTON I. p. 63. 73). This
name is even now, as I was able to verify in Matara, used as designa-
tion of the Giruva-Pattu of the Southern Province on the right bank of
the lower Valaveganga. Cf. also note to v. 24.
3 In our passage the form Mahanagasula is used.
4 Whether the name Atthasahassaka "the province of the eight
thousand (villages)" may be compared with that of the AtakalanKorale
in the Eatnapura District is doubtful. At any rate, another district was
meant at the time to which our passage refers. This is already proved
by the fact that Uddhanadvara (note above to v. 16) was according to
v* 25, made the capital of Atthasahassaka. It seems that the whole of
1 Rohana at that time was split in two. The region west of the Valave-
ganga was called Dvadasasahassaka, that east of the river Attha-
sahassaka. GODBXKGTOJS 1. e.
5 We do not know where Punkhagama is situated, although accor-
ding to 79. 61 Parakkarnabahu 1. erected a tope there 120 cubits high
of which there ought still to be traces,
^ P. durmsaha, lit. ''difficult to endure". . .
.
,. ' ' 15*228
Jayabahu I 61.30
30 stubborn pride, thought thus: uHow in Rajarattha of the
Kings of consecrated head dare this single man hold sway
31 without the royal consecration?" Their envy reached its high-
est point and with still more1 followers (than the first time)
32 they set forth united to begin the war. When Vikkamabahu
learned of this matter from messengers he advanced at the
33 head of a large army thither where they were2. In Dakkhi-
$adesa by the village of Bodhisenapabbata Vikkamabahu de-
34 feated in battle the three (brothers). With the intention to
root out now all his enemies he pursued the fugitives at
35 their heels. They withdrew into a stronghold in the province
of Paiicayojana, but he in order to capture them, advanced
to Kalyan!3.
36 A warrior, lord of the Ariya country4, Tiradeva by name,
37 sole sovereign of Palandipa, a most foolhardy man, landed at
that time with brave warriors in Mahatittha in the belief he
would be able to bring the whole of Lanka into his power.
33 Now when the Sovereign Vikkamabahu heard of the matter,
he thought: so long as he has not yet gained a firm footing
39 in Lanka he must be rooted out. So he marched from Ka-
lylpi and betook himself to the village called Mannara5 near
40 Mahatittha. Vlradeva offered the King6 battle. Two princes,
41 brothers, Anikanga and the other, as well as the Commander-
in-chief, known by the name of Kitti, he killed by violence
42 as well as many people, acknowledged warriors. The Senapati
1 I connect Wtilyo with samgayha sficake. To change the MSS. reading
Into bl&yo is traneeesBary. The compilers of the later Mahavamsa '?
strongly influenced by Sanskrit.
s P. vu@yam, lit. "to their domain or district".
1 If and his brothers retire as far as Paneayojaiia
(see
to 57. 71) then they must surrender the greater part of Dakkhl^a-
Ii the piiwaii ¥ifelramablte penetrates to KalySp tbat is to the
on the lower (Colombo and its hinterland).
4 We probably to s=a Ariya-deso-too.
$ in the district of the
In the
Pretiiiee,
* I to the Col. Ed. agninst
the
mm.61.53 Jaydbaliu I
229
Eakkhaka he captured alive, and after defeating Vikkamabahu
and his army, he followed him at his heels. Fleeing in ter- 43
ror Vikkamabahu reached his capital, took all his movable
property and betook himself in haste to Kotthasara1. Vira- 44
deva who was ever hard at his heels, reached the capital and
took up his abode there for some days, then he set off in 45
haste thither to capture Vikkamabahu. But the latter sent
off his whole large army, forced Viradeva to fight in a great 46
swampy wilderness near the village of Antaravitthika2, slew
him and dwelling then with might in Pulatthinagara, without 47
the royal consecration it is true, he held sway as monarch
in Rajarattha.
The three brothers now gave up their lust for war and 48
dwelt each in his province to which he had betaken himself.
But despite their efforts, the four princes3, were quite 49
unable to unite this country under one umbrella. In their heed- 50
less way of acting they slighted people of good family and
placed ambitious4 men of the lower classes in leading posi-
tions. The deluded ones injured the Order and the laity who 51
had variously been furthered in the best possible way by
Vijayabahu. From people of good family even in the absence 52
of an equivalent offence, they would seize forcibly their pos-
sessions. In their insatiability5 and money lust they squeezed 53
out the whole people as sugar cane in a sugar mill, by
1 This passage together with. 70. 305 and 71. 6 mates it certain
that Kotthasara was situated In the east (south or north-east) of
Pulatthinagara. CODBINOTOK II. says also: "This place, therefore, pro-
bably was not far from Kantalai and was in the King's Country".
2 Antaravitthi must thus have been situated about halfway
between Kotthaeara and Pulatthinagara. The name occurs also in 60. 68,
and again in 70. 322 in an account of battles which apparently took
place in the neighbourhood of Pulatthinagara.
3 The three brothers and Vikkamabalm.
4 I take sabhimata to mean the same as sdbhimana (skr. the same)
"proud11. The p. part, dbhimata stands as BO frequently, instead of the
abstract substantive (cf. for ex. mata "dying, the death" = marana
Therag. 194 etc.).
5 Most likely we have to read te 'kh230
Jaydbdhu I 61" 64
54 levying excessive taxes. King Vikkamabahu took the main-
tenance villages which belonged to the Buddha-and so forth
55 and gave them to his attendants. In Pulatthinagara he gave
o?er several viharas distinguished by (the possession of) relics,
;>6 to foreign soldiers to live in. Precious stones, pearly and' the
like, presented by the pious as offerings for the Relic of the
57 Alms-bowl, and for the sacred Tooth Relic, the sandelwood,
the aloes, the camphor, the many images of gold and the
58 like which he took forcibly, he used as it pleased him. .Be-
holding this manifold evil committed against the Order and
59 the laity, the ascetics in the eight chief viharas1, looked up
to as people worthy of honour, and the Pamsukulin bhikkhus
60 belonging to the two divisions2, were wroth at the matter
and thinking it were better to remove themselves from the
vicinity of people who like those erring from the faith,
61 wrought in this way so much evil against the Order, they
the sacred Tooth Relic and the Alms-bowl Relic, betook
to Rohaga and settled themselves here and there
82 in where it pleased them. In the same way people of
family, scattered here and there, kept themselves hid-
den in places which seemed good to them and made their
there,
US The belonging to the retinue of the monarch^ on
who were established on the frontiers, fought with
64 continually. By setting fire to many flourishing
and towns, by piercing tanks filled with water,
65 % everywhere the weirs on all the canals and
by all useful trees like the coconut palm and
tJI in each other, so devastated the
king-
it was to trace even the sites of the old
07 the rulers did evil to the people
letting
the towns End commit highway rob-
1 E m Later (84. 4,
18) attM-
Ki In Jambuddotyi = Dambadeniya*
1 W« of thit of
the Pamsukulins,
It W thai tie «eet BOW
It is never men-61.73 Jaydbahu I
. 231
bery. The slaves too and the workmen of people of good 68
family despised their masters without respect and void of
all fear. They became mercenaries to the kings and worming 69
themselves into their confidence, they, by means' of offices
conferred on them, attained ever greater power. The people 70
dwelling in places difficult of access like the Samantakuta
and so fofth, no longer paid to the monarch the taxes for-
merly levied on them. They despised the king, became rene- 71
gades1 and dwelt independent, each in his own region. "What 72
is based on wrong speedily changes,'1 this proverb was by no
means true of the land of Lanka at that time2.
Like (greedy) tenants of villages wholly and ever void of 73
all dignity, their mind bent on destruction without end, wholly
lacking in royal pride, false to their own or to others' wel-
fare, without any restraint in their efforts: thus lived all these
rulers forsaking the path of (good and ancient) custom.
Here ends the sixty-first chapter, called "History of the
Lives of the Pour Kings", in the Mahavamsa, compiled for
the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
1 Here we meet for the first time a word frequently occurring in
chapters 74-76 damarika, in the abstract form damarikattana (suff. -ttana
= skr. -tvana, cf. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar, § 1240). I find
damarika
for the first time in Buddhaghosa, in the Saraantapasadika, OLDEHBEBG,
Vinaya III. 320 30. In Skr. we have damarika with cerebral initial sound,
for ex. Kaut. 4. 9 (84) near the end.
2 Lit.: "The land Laxika never came at that time to such a condition
that one could say: "What is based on wrong etc." One should com-
pare with this Hi vattalbatam napctjjati DhCo. IY. 44. We have to do
evidently with the quotation of a popular proverb equivalent to the
English saying: "111 gotten good seldom thrives1'. But this proverb
could not be applied to Lanka- at that time, had no bearing on Lanka
(the »7ew of the HSS. must not be altered to yeva), since the*evil,
the
wrong was just in full bloom.ViKkamabahu II
CHAPTER LXII.
THE BIRTH OF THE PKINCE
i The Ruler Jayabaliu1 and the Queen Mitta by name who
2. had sojourned in Koha^a, departed now by death. The con-
sort of Sirirallabha, Sugala, bore two children, a son Ma-
3 nabharapa and a daughter LilavatL The royal consort of
Prince Manabharana also bore two daughters, Mitta and Pa-
4 bhavatL When the Mahadipada Yirabahu2 beheld these his
two daughters,.he.was struck by the following consideration:
5 "We are sprung from the pure dynasty of the Moon3, highly
6 esteemed in the world, at the head of all royal houses. In
outward appearance (we are) enviable, distinguished by every
aptitude, experienced in the various sciences, skilful in the
7 managing of elephants, horses and the like. And yet we
three have over and over again suffered severe defeat in fight
8 by the single Vikkamabahu and there is no prospect of the
birth of a son who would be capable of wiping out this stain.
9 Ah, how small is our merit! What avails me a royal dig-
nity which is defiled by the evil tattle of the people ? I must
10 now give up my bent to worldly things and spend* my days
1 The length of the reign is not given. According to Pujav, it was
13 my£7. where we have the name Vijayabanu, not Jayabahti,
3 years. In Rajaratn. a Vijayabilni is Inserted after Jayabahu.
it ii evident that toe name of the father of Vikkamabalio which
Is gi?en in the two other sources, has crept Into the text as
of a king.
9 I. e. who according to 61. 26 had assumed this name,
fit the title Mahlifi^Sda being- considered by his brothers the
of Jayabihn.
3 Pfc An Soma Is the Moon deity.
* of the meaningless te tayo Is apparently a
con-
% S, and B, At any rate it is so convincing that I
II62.25 Viklwmabahu II
233
unweariedly in pious works." He made over the whole ad-
ministration of the kingdom to his ministers1 and while he 11
himself sojourned there seven or eight months, he camped
one night in the temple of the King of the gods2, observing
the precepts of moral discipline. Now about dawn the Ruler 12
saw in a dream a wondrous god with glittering raiment and
ornaments, adorned with fragrant flower wreaths, illuminating 13
with his sublime beauty and the glory of his presence the
whole heavens3 like to the sun when it has risen on the 14
firmament and he heard him speak thus: "Be content, 0 great-
ly blessed! be joyful, 0 King! A splendid son, furnished 15
with the tokens of power, who shall be able to carry out his
designs, well instructed, of a courage whose splendour shall
spread through the world, glorious in might and strength, 16
honour and fame, a fount of excellent qualities, a furtherer of
the Order and of the laity shall be attained by thee ere long, 17
0 mighty King! Now go at once to the town where dwell
wife and child." As at daybreak he awoke full of joyful ex- 18
citement, the best of men betook himself to Punkhagama.
Even as he had seen it so the Ruler related the beautiful 19
dream to his ministers in the presence of the Mahesl. He 20
then in company with the Mahesl, with the wish for a
distinguished son, amassed all kinds of good deeds, such
as almsgiving, the observing of the moral prescripts and
the like. And one day at morn lie saw himself in a dream 21
entering the sleeping chamber of the Mahesi holding gently
by the ear a beautiful, pure white elephant calf endowed 22
with all auspicious marks. When he awoke he rose from his 23
splendid couch and his heart merry with joy and rapture, he
betook himself at this time to the sleeping chamber of the 24
Mahesi and told her the dream, as he had seen it, "I also 25
1 Here we must supplement "and withdrew into solitude'1.
2 Name of Indra = Sakka.
3 Ases&sd (== asesa-asa, skr. aSa) Another excellent. emendation. by
S. and B. Instead of asesayo. Perhaps asesmayo would be even better ?
"
in spite of the metrical irregularity. It'might, then be.assumed that it
was just this which led to the corruption of the test.234
ViKkamabahM II 62.26
In a dream have embraced such a young elephant. It walked
round my bed its right side turned towards it, then stood still.
26 Drawing it by the trunk to me and raising it up to my
couch (I tenderly embraced it.)" Thus the Queen told him.
27 The twain having thus made known to each other what
they had seen, awaited joyfully and without slumbering, the
28 break of day. In the morning they inquired of the house
priest1 who had come to pay his respects, and the sooth-
sayers. When these heard this they announced full of joy:
29 "Within a short time, without doubt, the birth will take
place of a son who shall bear on him the marks of (future)
80 power". When they heard that, then all of them? ministers,
citizens and the Buler of men had the feeling of a great
31 festival of joy. From that moment onward the Prince who
wished above ail a happy issue, had the Paritta recited over
32 and over again by the community of the bhikkhus. To count-
less beggars he distributed daily as alms costly gifts ? jewels,
33 pearls and the like, Eites like the Homa2 sacrifice and others
held to be salutary, he had performed by the house priest
and other brahmanas versed in the Veda and the Yedangas3.
34 Ruined viharas and relic shrines and destroyed tanks he or-
SS dered the royal workmen to rebuild. While the Lord of men
thus spent the day in pious action there grew shortly in the
36 womb of the Queen a splendid fruit. When the Lord of men
heard this, full of joy, he had an ample pregnancy gift4
1 P. He was a Brahman. Of. below v. 33 and specially
?. 45 ff. Tie court life was organised according to Brahmanieal rules.
2 Skr. (from hu "to pour into the fire") is the general term
for "saeriSeft1*. AMti is older. An enumeration of the different homfi
a terminology differing in part from that of Sanskrit ritoal litera-
ture, is D. I. 9 {= 1.1. 21). This passage has already been
alluded
to by Htt«B38Aj?DTf BituAHatteratur, Vediselie Opfer und Zauber, p.
18.
* The the ancillary sciences of the Yeda, inelude
"metre", wirttkta "etymology", vy&1cara$a "gram-
"ritual" and "astronomy1*. A, A. MACDOXKXX, Hfst. of
p. 264 ff, M. WIHTKEMITX, Geach. der indinchea Lit-
if p. stt ff.
* E By m every
exfcraordimry grant62.47 Viklcamabahu II
235
bestowed on the Queen. When in course of time the fruit 37
of her body grew ripe, the Queen bore a son at a moment
marked by a lucky constellation. Clear at this moment were 38
all the quarters of the heavens and cool, fragrant, gentle
breezes blew. With the trumpeting of the elephants and the 39
neighing1 of the horses the royal courtyard was filled with
resounding din. When the Ruler Manabhara^a full of as- 40
tonishment beheld the extraordinary signs and wonders mani-
fested in such divers ways, and when he then heard the news 41
of the birth of his son, he was filled with joy at the fulfil-
ment of his wish, as if anointed with ambrosia. He set many 42
free who lay bound in fetters in prison and gave a splendid
alms tp the samaras and the brahma$as. And the people 43
who dwelt in the town, with the ministers at the head,
adorned the whole of the royal capital in divers ways, with
arches of banana leaves and the like and trimmed and beauti- 44
fully clad, they held for several days a great and joyous feast.
According to the rules laid down in the Veda, the Monarch 45
had the birth rites2 and the other ceremonies performed for
the boy. He then summoned the house priest and the other 46
brahmaijas versed in the lore of body marks and having shown
them the customary reverence and distinction, he charged 47
given for a special occasion. CfabaperaMra in Sinhalese means a parti-
cular ceremony to be performed when pregnancy has taken place (the
Kusajataka v. 150, ed. by A. M. GOTASEKARA has g&bapelaMra); but the
verb adapayi does not agree with this meaning,
1 Amongst the ancient Germans the neighing- of a horse was also
regarded as a propitious sign. GRIMM, Deutsche Mythologie, 3. 442;
ef. HILLEBBANDT, Ritual-Litteratur, S. 183. We are familiar with the tale
of Herodotus S. 84, 85, according to which Darius gained his crown
through the neighing of his horse. The Slaves on the other hand, con-
sider the restlessness and neighing of horses as an ill omen. Thus in
the Serbian folk song of Ibrahim Nuki<5, F. S. KEAUSS, Slavische Volks-
forschungen, p. 397.
2 P. jatakamma = skr. jdtakarman in which four ceremonies are to
be distinguished: 1) ayusya "giving of life", 2) medhajanana "the giving
of understanding*1 3) stanapratidhana "the giving of the breast" and
4) n&maJcarana "the giving of the name1'. HTLLBBBANBT, 1. c. p. 45.
SPBXJBE, Jafcakarmati, Leiden 1872.236
VikJsamabcOw II 62.48
them with the determination of the body marks of the boy.
After carefully observing all the marks on his hands and feet
48 they announced joyfully to the King who stood amid the
49 throng of his courtiers and to the Queen thus: "Apart from
the island of Lanka he is able to unite under one umbrella
50 and to rule even the whole of Jambudipa." The King glad-
dened them with gifts and asked further courteously: "Is
51 there any unfavourable sign to be seen or not?" "The boy
will have a long life but there is an unfavourable constella-
52 tion for the father," they answered the Ruler. Having regard
to the heroic strength of his foe-crushing arms, he received
53 the significant name of Parakkamabahu1. Versed in the ri-
tual, his father had the ceremony of the piercing of the
ears2 and the ceremony of the first rice food3 performed
54 exactly according to custom. He then sent his messengers
to Pulatthmagara to bring Vikkamabahu4 the news of the
55 birth of his son. When Vikkamabahu heard from them of
the splendour promising qualities of his sister's son but also
of the inauspicious constellation for the father he thought:
56 "A splendid nephew, gleaming like a jewel that is the centre
stones in the chain of kings beginning with King Yijaya
1 The ceremony of the n&makarana is performed according to most
of the Grhyaretras on the 10th day. According to others even later,
after a hundred nights or after a year. HILLBBRANDT, 1. cf, p. 46 f.
2 P. "ka^mudJm = sfcr. kamavedha, a ceremony mentioned only in
one IIS* of Paraskara's GrhyasStra, performed in the third or the fifth
year. SFBIJSB, 1. c., p. 21; HILLEBEAHPT, 1. c., p. 50-
3 P. annap&tana = skr. amnaprd&ana. According to the rule common
to all the Grhyftsitrms the ceremony is performed in the 6 th month.
HiLLBiitjjTBT, !. e*f p. 48- There is no mention here of the ceremony of
the taking out of the child for the first time that he may see the sun
It place according to Mann I, B4 catmrthe
* Ibis that after
their unsuccessful
Tikkamabtthu the princes of Boliana recognised him as
Mag-
* P., AT. Pcwr the meaning of "central gem" see BE, s. v., 8.
Tlia Is "leader, chief*.62.67
VilcJcamaMhu II 237
hath he begotten ine. That no harm may at any time befall 57
him, the boy shall grow up here in my immediate neigh-
bourhood. To win unachieved and to keep achieved advantage 58
this my son Gajabahu will in no case be able. And my other 59
son Mahinda, though gifted with heroic courage and other
excellent qualities, stands lower owing to his mother's origin
and is unworthy of the crown. My sister's son shall one day 60
enjoy to his heart's desire the dominion which is prosperous
through the treasures I have amassed in many ways." He 61
then sent messengers to fetch the boy and gave them orna-
ments for the boy and other valuables as gift. When the 62
Ruler Virabahu heard all this out of the mouth of the mes-
sengers he said to himself: "These prudent words he hath
spoken in thought for my good. Nevertheless it is not meet 68
to send away such a jewel of a son of one's own body for
the warding off of evil which threatens me. Moreover, if the 64
boy is taken thither, the party of Vikkamabahu like fire 65
joined with the strength of the storm, will gleam1 with
mighty, up-shooting flames, but our misfortune, alas so great,
will become still worse!" So he gave not his son to the mes- 66
sengers who had arrived in his dominions but dismissed them
after satisfying them with a gift of money.
The Lord of men who leading there with wife and child 67
a harmonious life, was attacked by an evil disease and was
forced to give up his life at the same moment with the royal
dignity.
Here ends the sixty-second chapter, called "The Birth of
the Prince", in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy
and emotion of the pious.
1 The translation rests on the conjectural reading of the Col. Id.
samjalmati in place of the samk&issati of the MSS.238
ViKkamaibahu' II
CHAPTER LXIII
THJE ARRIVAL IN THE CITY OF SANKHATTHALl
1 When the two other brothers heard of the death of the
eldest, they came hither in haste and had the last rites per-
2 formed for him. Kittisirimegha hereupon took possession of
the province of his elder brother. * He then summoned the
3 youngest brother (Sirivallabha), made over to him the two
other provinces and ordered him to live there. The latter
4 obeyed the orders of his elder brother, took the boy (Parak-
kamabahu) and the Queen Ratanaval! and her two daughters1
5 and betook himself to the town of Mahanagahula. While he
dwelt there in harmony (with them) he had the ceremony of
the first dressing of the hair2 performed on the boy and
6 brought him up with great pomp. Thereupon he wished to
marry the eldest daughter of the Queen, Mitta by name, to
his son (Manabhara^a) and took counsel thereupon with his
7 ministers: ? Princes of the dynasty of Kalinga have many
times and oft attained to dominion in this island of Lanka.
8 If now this Queen were t<3 send her daughter away secretly
to wed her to Gajabahu8 who is sprung from the KaUnga
9 stack, he would in connection with the marriage become
mightier, but my son here would be without any support at
10 alL Hence it is advisable to give the princess to my son:
11 as the matter lies this will be for our advantage."
1 and Pabttmti, 62. 3.
s F. This corresponds to the cad£kara$a of the
Grhya-
According to Sankbayana tbis ceremony should be performed
en a in tbe fifth year, otherwise tbe third year is
generally
HltLBB&iltDT L C., p. 4$.
3 !« mm lisa grandson of Vgayabahn I and of Tilokaanaiari who
tit63,22 Gajab&M
239
the Queen who was an ornament of the Sun dynasty, heard
all this, as she by no means wished the affair, she spake to
the Ruler thus: "After the Prince named Yljaya had slain 12
all the yakkhas and made this island of Lanka habitable for
men, since then one has allied the family of Vijaya with 13
ours by unions above all with scions of the Kallnga line.
Union with other princes was also hitherto unknown with 14
us save with kings of the Moon dynasty. How then, just 15
because he is your son, could there be for us a union with
that prince who has sprung from the Ariya dynasty1? Al- 16
though the Queen in this wise protested over and over again,
he nevertheless forcing (the matter) wedded the princess to
his son. This (prince) accompanied by his consort, distin- 17
guished by many virtues, winning all people for himself,
dwelt with his father.
Vikkamabahu having enjoyed the royal dignity one and 18
twenty years2, death ensuing, he passed to the other world.
Hereupon Gajabahu3 took possession of the flourishing king- 19
dom endowed with army and train, and dwelt in Pulatthina-
gara. When however the Monarchs (of Rohana) Kittisirimegha 20
and Sirivallabha heard of the event, they reflected thus: "As 21
Vikkamabahu was the elder, his dominion in the chief king-
dom could In no wise be a reproach to us, but that his son 22
1 What is meant is the Aryan dynasty of the Plncjya {called
in the Mahavamsa) in Southern India. The mother of Slrivailabtia
grandmother of the young prince Manabharana, Mitia, was according
to 59. 41, married to the Pandnraja. Ratanavali evidently denies to
Mitta's offspring the connection with the Moon dynasty of which they
boast in 62. 5,
2 According- to Pujav. and Eajav. Vikkamabahu reigned 28 years.
3 It is worthy, of note that of the four Sinhalese sources whieh
I have consulted for comparison, only Nik.-s. mentions Gajubabu. Pfijtiv.
Rajav. and Rajara-tn. pass from Vikkamabahu at once to ParakkamaLahn.
whom the two first, in addition, describe as the son of Kittisirimfvhu.
It wai mentioned above (note to 59. 49) that Gajabalm is named in flie
Dimbnlagala Inscription as son of Sundarl and Vikkamabahu. An in-
scription of Gajabahu at Kapuru-vedu-oya (Matule District) was publi-
shed by H. W. CODMHGTQMT, JK-AS, C. B. xxvi, Nr. 71, 1919, p. 53 ff.240
G-ajabahu
63.23
who is not of age should now rule in the main realm ? it is
23 in truth not meet for us to permit that. So long as he has
not taken root in his province, we must take forcible pos-
24 session of this province." The whole of the Velakkara1 troops
they suborned by gifts of money. Save for a few retainers
25 of his immediate retinue, all the inhabitants of the kingdom
soon fell away from their ruler Grajabahu and sent messengers
26 over and over again to the two kings: "With one accord we
will seize the kingdom and give it over to you, but ye must
27 give us support." Thereupon the two brothers equipped in
haste their army and advanced from two sides to the centre
28 of the kingdom2. They sent off envoys3. The Monarch Ga-
jabahu assembled thereupon his ministers and took counsel
29 with them: uThe whole of the Velakkara troops are in open
revolt; the two kings have advanced to fight against our realm.
30 If we first can deal the mightier part of them a decisive
31 blow4, then it will be easy to get rid of the others." Having
thus resolved, he took his whole army and marched against
32 King Sirivallabha to fight him. King Sirivallabha fought an
33 extraordinarily bitter action from morning till evening. But
being unable to defeat the other he beat a retreat and betook
34 himself in haste to his own province again. The Ruler Kitti-
sirimegha also, vanquished by Gokanna5, an officer of Gaja-
35 bahu, returned to his province. The Ruler of men, Gajar
bahu, who had suffered no harm in this war, also be-
36 took himself again to the neighbourhood of his capital. After
the powerful (Gajabahu) had punished many generals who
1 See note to 60. 36.
2 The centre of the kingdom is the capital Pulatthinagara. Kitti-
sirimegha must have marched against it from Dakkhinadesa that is from
the South-West, Sirivallabha from the South-East.
3 Evidently to Gajabahu, demanding that he should voluntarily
surrender the kingdom.
4 P. mukhabhanga lit. a "smashing of the face or the month", an
expression evidently borrowed from the tenninology of the prize fighter.
It occurs again 75. 75.
5 For this general who had his headquarters in Kalavapi, see further
below .66. 85 E, 70. 68 ff.63.48
G-ajabahu 241
had offended against him, and having pacified the kingdom,
he entered his town. After that the (three) Monarchs each 37
in his province, lived in amity with one another. But the 38
Monarch's son1 Parakkamabahu, the discerning one, who was
well schooled in all the arts, with his intelligence, capable 39
of distinguishing amid the multitude of things what should
and what should not,be done, with his soaring plans and his
extraordinary greatness, cared not at heart for the comfort 40
of a life lived together with his mother and sisters, nor for
the delight of the many childish games. He thought: "Prin- 41
ces like myself, gifted with heroism and other such like qua-
lities?how can they live in such a secluded district? I will 42
betake myself now to the land of my birth which as Yu-
varaja I may enjoy^-and he left his place of abode, accom-
panied by his retinue. In course of time he came near to 43
the village which bore the name Sankhanayakatthali2. When
Kittisirimegha heard of it the heartache he felt at being 44
so alone, because he lacked a son fit to inherit the royal
dignity, was assuaged and he thought: "My great, enduring 45
merit is rewarded in that I now can behold in him who is
his living image, as it were my elder brother". Swayed by 46
joyful excitement, the Ruler of men had the charming town
decked out abundantly with triumphal arches and the like
and on a day and under a special constellation held to be 47
propitious, he, surrounded by his hosts, went forth to meet
him. And when he beheld the Prince gifted with qualities 48
with which those of others could not compare, and with all
1 P. nandana, here "son" like skr. nandana. Cf. v. 51, note.
2 The situation of this place, called also Sakfthandthatthalt (66. 9;
67. 78, 82) or Sankhalthall (64. 22), is unknown. According to 65. 4 ffl
it was about 5 gdvuta (about 10 miles) distant from Badalatthali. It is
clear too from 67. 81-82, that the two places were not far from each
other. Badalatthali must indeed have Iain on the borders of Dakkhina-
desa. As Badalatthali or-la (see note to 58. 43) is probably the present
Batalagoda; N. E. of Kurunegala, Saukhatthali would have to be looked
for somewhere in the region of Polgahawela or Kegalla. At any rate
tinder Kittisirimegha it was the capital of Dakkhinadesa.
16242 Gajabaku
63.49
49 favourable marks, then full of joy he embraced him tenderly,
drawing liim to his breast and kissing him again and again on
50 the head, whereby in face of the great multitude he shed con-
51 tinuously from his eyes floods of joyful tears. Thereupon he
mounted with his son1 a beautiful chariot and filling the ten
52 regions of the firmament2 round about with the clanging of the
drums, he entered the town and showing his son all the beau-
tiful decorations there, he entered the royal palace (with him).
53 When then a numerous retinue such as crowds of chamber-
lains, cooks and the like had been bestowed on him, he lived
happily with his father whose heart was contented by his
manifold excellences.
Here ends the sixty-third chapter, called "The Arrival in
the City of Sankhatfchall", in the-Mahavamsa, compiled for
the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
1 The brother's son is called "son" just as on the other hand, the
nephew calls the brother of his father simply "father" (v. 53, cf.note to
51.24).
Coosins who are sons of brothers, call each other brothers, thus 48. 51,
61.
Aggabodhi VI. and VII. Buddhaghosa calls Ananda the "brother of
the Boddha" because he was cullapitu putto (Suinangalavilasinz ed. RHYS
DAVIDS and J. E. CABPENTER I. p. 429) The position of the sister's son
(bh&gineyya) is thereby the more marked.
2 Namely the four chief regions of the heavens, the four intermediary
regions, zenith (skr. urdkvam) and nadir (skr. tirydk or adhah). Cf. skr.
daia, dijafa.Gcydbahu 243
CHAPTER LXIV
THE DEPARTURE FOR THE OTHER COUNTRY
After the arrival in his beloved native land, his heart's 1
desire was fulfilled and all anxious yearning left him. And 2
now with the help of his lightning-like intelligence he learned
easily and quickly from his teachers the various accomplish-
ments. In the numerous books of the Victor (Buddha), in 3
the works on politics, as in that of Kotalla1 and others, in
grammar and poetry together with the knowledge of voca-
bulary and ritual2, in dance and song, in the art of driving 4
the elephant and so forth, above all in the lore of the mani-
pulation of the boWy the sword and other weapons he was
past master. Admirably trained, he did everything that ae- 5
corded with the King's, his father's wishes and was never
lacking in reverence.
1 Conjectural reading for the Jcosalla, Somalia or Tcocalla of the MSS.
Of. 70. 56. I believe that Kautalya i. e. Canakya, the famous minister
of Candragupta is meant. He is alleged to be the author of a text book
on politics, Artha-sastra, which has been recently discovered. What is
important is that the Culavamsa seems to confirm the name Kautalya
as against Kautilya. It is handed down by Hemacandra, Abhidhana-
clntamani 853 (see BE. s. v., HILLEBKANDT, Ueber das Kautiliyasastra raid
Verwandtes, p. 1) and seems to be the reading of the best MSS. so that
in GANAPATI'S new edition it appears throughout, I regard it as the
original form for the following simple reason. The fact that the forms
Kau|alya and Kautilya have been handed down together is indisputable.
Now JcautUya as a variant of the original kautalya, in allusion to the
content and character of the Artha-j§istra fskr. Jcutila "crooked,
cunning")
is quite intelligible. On the other hand, it is not easy to explain why
a word so distinct and of such definite meaning as kautilya should be
changed into Itautalya. See however J. JOLLT? Zeifcschr. Mr Indologie
nnd Iranistik V. 216 ff.
2 P. sami$h®ndu'kal£efubke« See PTS. P. D. s. vy. nighandu
and Icetubha.
" 16*244 Gajabahu
64.6
6 The Ruler (Kittisirimegha) at heart ever well pleased
with the virtue (practised hy the Prince) of reverent demean-
7 our, enjoyed with him as with a good friend various pas-
times, such as sport in the garden and in the water and
while he was travelling here and there about the country
8 with him, he came one day near the village called Ba-
9 dalatthall which served as the abode of the loyal, powerful
Senapati Sankha who was entrusted with the defence of the
10 frontier. When the Senapati heard that, he had the village
at once made ready, went forth to meet the Monarch and his
son and remained, after he had bowed himself, standing before
11 them. The twain, father and son, addressed him with friendly
words and being satisfied by him in various ways, they visited
12 the village. When the Monarch had sojourned there some
days he summoned the Senapati to him and spake the follo-
13 wing words: "My son is now grown to manhood and is ripe
for admission1. To perform the ceremony of admission great
14 preparations are necessary". When the Senapati heard that,
lie made at once the best of preparations for the festival.
15 After instituting with sweet savours, lamps, flowers and other
things of the kind for three days an abundant offering2 for
16 the three jewels and after he had the ceremony performed, in
a manner befitting his high rank, by Brahmans versed in
17 the ritual of the Veda, the Euler together with the Prince
Parakfeama in the midst of his courtiers set about enjoying a
great spring festival3.
1 P. sir. upanayana. This is the ceremony of taking the son to the
Brahman teacher. With the Kshatriya it takes place between the llth
and the 22 nd year. With this Is associated at the same time the ad-
mission to the religious community as fully qualified member. BE. s. v.;
Hn.LEBRA2n>T, Ritoal-Litteratur, p. 50 ff.
2 P. pubbakdra. The expression is found also in A. iv. 2516»25, where
among things harmful for the lay brother is mentioned the choosing,,
by Mm outside of the Order, (ito bahiddhd) of a person who seems
worthy of reverence, a dalckhineyya, tattha ca pubba'karam Jcaroti.
3 Cf. skr, vascmtotsava, vasantamahotsavct or vasantasamayotsava as
below in v. 2!64.30 Gajabtihu
245
Now King Kittisirimegha learned through messengers who 18
came from Rohapa that his brother named Sirivallabha who
dwelt in Roha^a, was dead and that Sirivallabha's son Ma- 19
nabharar^a by name, had taken over the government and had
made Mitta his queen1. He overcame the grief heavy to be 20
borne caused by his brother's death through hearing the 21
news of the birth of a son to Mitta. But he gave up the
spring festival and returned, leaving the Senapati named 22
Sankha behind on the spot, with his son to the town of
Sankhatthali2. While the Monarch lived there happily with 23
Prince Parakkama a year passed. The second queen of the 24
Monarch Manabharar^a, Pabhavati3, likewise bore a son, named
Kittisirimegha. When Eattisirimegha heard that he thought: 25
our line has become great, and felt still happier.
The Prince (Parakkamabahu) urged by his great, incom- 26
parable merit by whose virtue alone he was destined for the
dominion over Lanka, valued not so much as grass the love 27
shown him by his father as by a good friend, and his great
tenderness, as well as the services of his many retainers per- 28
formed for him from fear and devotion4. And in his zeal 29
to (unite ajad thereby) make Lanka happy under one um-
brella as speedily as possible, he thought to himself thus:
"Since it has ever been the home of the hair, collar-bone, 30
neck-bone, tooth and alms-bowl relics5 as well as of the
1 See 63. 6 ff. Deviyd Mitt ay a patildbham SirwallabJiasununo does
not mean, as translated by W. "a birth of a son, Sir! Vallabha, to the
Queen Mitta".
2 See note to 63. 43. Nivattitvana must be understood as gerund
of the cans, nivatteti, one MS. even reading -ttet-vdna. Parakkama's
Upanayana festival had taken place in BadalatthalL There Kittisiri-
megha receives the various news from Rohana. He leaves the general
Sankha, who had to prepare the festival, behind in that place (tatth'eva)
and betakes himself with his nephew to the capital, SankhatfchalT.
3 We see from this that Sirivallabha's son had married both the
sisters of Parakkamabahu, Mitta and Pabhavati.
4 Lit.: whereby fear and devotion went before, i, e. were the motive.
Wa translation is inexact.
5 The hair relic (Jcesadhdtu) was (Mhvs. 39. 49) brought to Ceylon by246
Gajdbcthu
64.31
token of the footprint of the Master and of his sacred Bodhi
31 Tree branch, further of the eighty-four thousand sections of
the doctrine which give a picture of the Perfectly Enlighte-
32 ned one, and as it is a mine of gems, pearls and many other
treasures, this island although not so large, has always coun-
33 ted for something special. My three fathers, the Monarchs,
and also my mother's brother1 were not ahle to unite it
34 under one umbrella. They divided it therefore and with the
thought: if we only rule it to this extent we have done our
duty, each in his province renouncing the desire customary
35 in our family for the royal consecration, carried on the go-
vernment like village chiefs whose one aim is their farming
36 and the like. Of these save my father's brother, Kittisiri-
megha, the three remaining monarchs have passed away in
37 accordance with their deeds. Man's longest span of life is
now alas, but meagre; boy, youth, greybeard, all these living
38 beings will one after another suffer death, so fixed a rule as
39 this there is otherwise nowhere else in this world. Therefore
must sons of kings such as I am, take no heed of this
frail, worthless body which is despised by all whose eyes
40 are fixed on what is precious, and must ever pay heed to
that which is worthy of aspiration and is abiding, namely
41 fame2. (I hear3) in tales as in the Ummaggajataka4 and
Silakala tinder Moggallana I. The relic of tlie neck bone (givatthi) was
according to the legend, brought by Sarabhu to Mahiyangana immedia-
tely after the death of the Buddha (Mhvs. 1. 37), the alms-bowl (patta)
by Samana from Pa^alipntta (Pupphapura) to Anuradhapura in the reign
of Devanampiyatlssa. Sumana is also said to have fetched the relic of
the (right) collar bone (akJchaJca} from Indra's Heaven (Mhvs. 17.14 ff.,
20).
For the tooth relic (dathadhatu) see above 37. 92 ff.
1 The three fathers are the father Manabharana and his two brothers.
The brother of his mother (Eatanavall) is Vikkamabahu IL
2 Lit.: "to that body of fame which is worthy of aspiration" (pi-
"haniyye yasodehe).
3 Verses 41-47 form one sentence. The accus. caritam in 41, t»H*a-
mam in 42 etc. up to suladdham jtvitam in 47 are all governed by sutva
in v, 45. The verse 46 is a parenthesis.
4 Mahaummaggajataka, no. 546 in FAUSBSLI/S edition of the Jatakas
(VI. 329 ff.)..64.52 Gojalaliu
247
others, of deeds done by the Bodhisatta in the different
stages of his development1, the outcome of his heroic nature
and of other qualities. (I hear) in secular stories, in the
42
Ramaya^a, the Bharata and the like of the courage of Rama
who slew Havana and of the extraordinary deeds of heroism 43
performed in battle by the five sons of Pa^du, how they
slew Duyyodhana2 and the other kings. (I hear) in the 44
Itihasa3 tales of the wonders worked from of old by princes
like Dussanta'1 and others in combat with gods and demons. ?
(I hear) of the great wisdom of Canakka5, that best of BrSh- 45
ma#as who uprooted the kings of the Nanda dynasty. ? All 46
these deeds though they belong not to our time, have attained
among the people up to the present day, the highest renown.
? When I hear such a happy and incomparable life of those 47
who are able on earth to accomplish extraordinary deeds,
then if I, sprung of -a noble stock, do not that which befits 48
the best among noble heroes, my birth will be useless. These 49
were aided alone by favourable conditions of the time, but
were they superior to me in insight and other qualities?"
After he had thus reflected he thought further: "My father, 50
the King, is now on the last stage of life; if now this my
father's kingdom comes to me, but in consequence of the 51
enervation of my spirit under the influence of royal pleasures,
I am not so successful as I wish, my harm will be the greater.
But if I now staying here on the spot, send out my scouts 52
1 P. Wiumisu. For the ten "stages'* or "steps" ot tlie Bodhisatta
see SENABT, Le Mahavastu L, p. 77 ff., 436.
2 Duyyodhana, skr, Duryodhana, the eldest son of Dhrtarasfcra, the
chief of the Kurus who was vanquished and slain in the great battle
on the Kura field by the five Pandu brothers YudhistMra etc, Duryodhana
fell on the last day of the battle by the hand of Bhlma.
3 Itiliasa is the collective name for all the literature of historical
narrative based on tradition. Knowledge of the Itihasa is part of
$rahmanical education. Cf. D. I, p. 88 (= III. 1. 3), M. II, p. 133 (?
91).
4 Six. Dusyanta, the husband of ^aknntali, a king of the Moon
dynasty.
5 Skr. C&nakga. See note to 64. 3, as also LASSHST, Indische Alter-
taksktinde* II, p. 212 ff.248
Gajdbahw 64.53
and let them find out how conditions really are in the other
53 country, ? my scouts might be in a position to discover a
weakness among my enemies favourable to my plans, or not1 ?
54 all the people here will describe2 the strength of the foe to
55. me in all possible ways, (They will say:) Tor the three
Monarchs, thy fathers, of whom each was lord of a province,
56 although united they undertook war seven times, it was dif-
ficult to conquer the kingdom. How then shall a solitary
youth who merely rules a small province, take possession
57 of it? But it is easy to govern over the original province:
58 therefore thou must give up tby baneful project'. With such
words ? boring glowing rods into my ears ? they will
describe again and again, in every possible way, the great-
59 ness of the other country. But one should really refuse to
believe all this tattle of fools who speak without knowing
60 the real state of affairs. So under some kind of pretext I
shall myself go to the other country and find out its con-
61 ditions. But my father the Monarch, if he hears of these
plans, through fear that some evil may befall his noble son,
62 the light of his line, if he betakes himself into the country
of the foe, will, tender-hearted as he is, hinder my departure,
68 There will then be no fulfilment of my designs. It is there-
fore best if I go in disguise".
64 When the clever Prince who knew well what (right)
occasions are, one day at night-time found such an occasion,
he who was certainly not lacking in resources, left the house
in such wise that his father knew nought of his departure.
Here ends the sixty-fourth chapter, called-"The Depar-
ture for the other Country1', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for
the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
1 If we regard v. 53 as a parenthesis, we get rid of all difficulties
of language and content. The sense Is: nothing is to be gained by
spying from here, for whatever the result^ the people here will always
exaggerate the dangers and in consequence will not join me. They must
be encouraged by my lead.
2 The pres. "katJiayanti is remarkable. One expects TtatHe&anti.GrajabaJiu
249
CHAPTER LXV
THE KILLING OP THE SENAPATI
As the Prince set forth accompanied only by his weapons, l
there sounded at the same moment in front of him the peal
of a shell trumpet. Hearing it he versed in the divers omens, 2
knew that his plan would shortly succeed and was full of joy. 3
Without the watchmen placed at different points noticing it, he
got out of the town free from fear, lion-hearted. In haste he 4
covered a distance of five gavutas1 and reached in a region
not far from Badalatthalaganm2 a village called Pilimvatthu. 5
It had heen fixed as goal for the meeting together of his
people, to halt here before his own arrival, awaiting 6
him on the way. Now when he saw that of those who
had received orders only some had appeared on the spot, the 7
Prince asked why so few had come. But they answered:
wWhy doth our Lord speak so, though he knows the whole 8
demeanour of the people. With whom is there no fear of
death? Our Lord is at an age immediately following that of 9
boyhood, even to-day the odour of milk plays about his lips*
There is no separate fortune acquired by thee, nor is there 10
any other accumulation of resources save these present. Ex- 11
cept for ourselves whose character has long been tested and
whose devotion is firmly rooted, who otherwise would follow
thee? And what thy father the Sovereign, will do with us 12
who* have come hither, no man knows. In our path there is 1$
still the Senapati Sankha by name, a great and mighty hero
who has his abode on the frontier, apart from other foes, 14
1 A gavuta (skr. gavyufy is a quarter of a yojana (DhCo. II. 134),
thus about two miles. PTS. P. D. s. v.
f See note to 58. 4$; 64.48.250
Gajabahu 65.15
and we few people are made one by the other ever more
15 terror-stricken. And the time of daybreak is now close at
hand". Thus each, for himself made known the fear that
16 dwelt in their hearts. When the Prince heard their words
he smiled kindly, looked them fearlessly in the face and spake:
17 "Although all these people here who have such fear, have
lived together with me a long time, yet have *they not
18 learnt to know me", and to chase away the fear that had
risen in them, the lion-hearted let sound1 a mighty lion's
19 roar. "Leave all men aside; when I have my weapons in my
hand, what can Sakka, the King of the gods, do even if he
20 is enraged? Because ye thought I am a boy these foolish
thoughts have come to you. Have ye not heard that one
21 looks up to splendid might, not to age? But if ye fear my
father's army will pursue me, then will I ? by a single deed
22 that I have devised to carry out and in such a way that the
people in my own and in the other country shall offer me
23 fear and devotion and ye shall rid yourselves of this your
terror ? at once, as soon as this night is past, manifest my
24 pre-eminent insight, determination and courage. Go forward!"
With these words the hero seized his weapons, left that vil-
25 lage full of determination and like to a second image of the
sun risen in the western heavens to surpass the sun disk
26 standing on the summit of the eastern mountain, he lighted
up the lotus thicket of the eyes of his attendants and came
at early morn to BadalatthalL
1 It is interesting here to note the fundamental difference between
the narrative of the Culavamsa and that of the older Mahavamsa and
between the ideas of their authors as shown particularly in the compari-
son of the personalities of Dutthagamani and Parakkamabaha* In the
one case deeds of true heroism, culminating in the dauntless duel with
Elara, in the other big, high-sounding words as prelude to an tffetjon
of very doubtful courage and of still more doubtful moral justification.
It is therefore significant that in Ceylon, more especially in Rohana,
one meets again and again with traditions connected with Du|thagamani
He is the real national hero of the Sinhalese and his name jrtill lives
in the popular memory. Parakkam-abahu is almost forgotten though h6
is nearer by more than a thousand years to the present than the other.65.41
Gajdbahu
251
By the peal of the victorious trumpets the Senapati (Sankha) 27
awoke. With consternation1 he perceived that the Prince had
come. Accompanied by a great host he went forth to meet 28
him and full of reverence, bowed himself to the earth to offer
the customary homage. When with the thought: what may 29
not this man do to us if he remains alive? he must be slain
on the spot, the soldiers looked at their leader, but he checked 30
them with a sign, for he thought: it is unworthy of a man to .
kill anyone against whom no guilt can be proven, only in
case of hostile demeanour is the death penalty permitted.
The lion-like (Prince) took the hand of the Senapati, spake 31
friendly words to him and entered his abode. The Senapati 32
thought: "The Prince's departure must have taken place
without the King's knowing of it. Until I learn the state of
affairs these people who have come with him, must be each 33
separately housed so that they may not remain in communi-
cation with him, the Prince however, must dwell in my house".
He did so, and in order to dupe the discerning (prince), lie 34
paid him the honours due to a guest and sent messengers to
the King. Now when the Prince perceived the deception 35
practised by Sankha he thought: "If now without doing what *
must be done, I remain inactive, of a truth my plan will 36
come to nought: this man must needs now be slain". He gave 87
one of his attendants the order to strike down2 the Senapati.
A great tumult arose: the Senapati is slain. A soldier of the 38
Senapati hearing that the general had been murdered, cried:
For what reason did the murder of my Lord take place? and 39
sword in hand, risking his own life for his Lord, he rushed
at the Prince standing there alone. But when he glanced at 40
the Prince's countenance, trembling with fear, he could not
stand upright and flung himself at his feet. Before the Prince 41
could say the words: ? "Seize him", one of the soldier's ? com-
1 P. samjatasamfohamo. Not translated by W.
2 As it is described here, the murder of Sankha who was a loyal
and devoted adherent of the royal house, is an act as brutal as it is
senseless. Probably the whole episode is in this form unhistorical. See
Introduction I.252 G-ajabaliu
65.42
42 *panions himself struck him down. uThe deed he has done
without my orders is unseemly", with these words the Prince
43 had him punished accordingly. But the terrible excitement
which had arisen at the same time, the Prince stilled by the
mere wrinkling of the brows.
44 . The hero whose greatest wealth was fame, the Prince of
firm character, who well understood the rewarding of his
heroes, whose most precious treasure was his famous name,
left his soldiers to take all what they would of the abundant
property amassed by the Senapati.
Here ends the sixty-fifth chapter, called "The Slaying of
the Senapati", in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy
and emotion of the pious.Gajabaku
253
CHAPTER LXVI
THE SPYING OUT OF THE CONDITIONS IN THE
OTHER COUNTRY
"If I were to set forth to-day to carry out my plan, 1
these people would think: the Prince has left through fear.
I will stay here and see what my father does as long as he has not 2
heard that I am staying here after the slaying of the Senapati".
With such reflections the hero, the best of all far-seeing men, 8
sojourned a few days on the spot. The soldiers of the Sena- 4
pati and many people who dwelt in the province, who in con-
sequence of the slaying of the Senapati, were seized with 5
terror were not able to remain each in his place, but sought
out the Prince, streaming together from all sides. uActing in 6
opposition to his father the Prince has slain the Senapati",
thought the inhabitants of the province. "If powerful people 7
like ourselves, whose devotion is deep-rooted, are his slaves1
what then is impossible for our Lord? If the (lawful) Lord 8
is in life, how dare thy uncle under the pretext, the prince
is still a boy, hold sway in the kingdom belonging to thy
father? We will join together, march on the town of San- 9
khatthali and fetch hither by force the king together with
his treasure and his harem". With this firm resolve and bent 10
solely on the gaining of the dominion, they betook themselves
to the place Padavarasunnaka^icla by name. The Prince sent 11
some of his people thither, summoned the leaders of the sol-
diers to him (and spake to them): "Ye must not think that 12
1 I read witli the MSS. ddsesu. S 2 alone differs, for damsesu in
S 3, 7 is only a variant in the writing. The dakkhesu adopted by S.
and B. is an unnecessary alteration.254
Oajdbahu 66.13
the slaying of the Senapati by me took place out of enmity
13 to my father; away then with your agitation1! I have in no
wise come hither in enmity to my royal father, nor do I mean
14 to bring this part of the province into my power. For sons
such as I am is there not but one thing to do ? to cause little
15 sorrow themselves to their aged fathers and to ward off the
evil which may be done them by another and so ever to serve
16 them with devotion. Why have ye such thoughts?" Therewith
the prudent one removed their scruples and reflecting on his
17 further course, came to this decision: "If I sojourn here some
days, illmeaning people will try to sow discord between us
18 twain, father and son. Without lingering here I must arise
and busy myself with the carrying out of my former plans".
19 Therewith the Prince left the village of Badalatthali to
betake himself to Buddhagama near the Siridevi mountain.
20 Before he reached the village of Siriyala2 the inhabitants3
21 who had banded together, fled on every side. Accompanied
alone by his own followers, the heroic prince now advanced
22 well armed along the highway. "Now if we quietly suffer
the prince to escape after his having slain the Senapati, what
1 "W". translates "ill-will towards me". That is, I believe, wrong.
The context is rather this: the people have taken the killing of Sankha
as a sign that the prince is in open rebellion against his uncle. They
take his side and civil war threatens. To hinder this, Parakkamabahu
explains to the people that there is no enmity between himself and his
uncle, and exhorts them to keep quiet.
2 The topographical problems have been most satisfactorily solved
by CODBINGTON (I. 66)» Following Mr. STOEBY, he identifies Buddhagama
(see note 58. 43) with Menikdena, 8. S. W. of Dambul, since an inscrip-
tion was found there in which a Budgam-vehera is mentioned (ASC,
1908 = VI. 1918, p. 14 f.). Near there is a mountain Nikula which,
according to FOEBES, was formerly called "Heereedevatai", that is, Siri-
devi. Before Parakkamabihu got there he passed Siriyala. That is
without doubt the present Hiriyalgama in the Gantihe Korale, which
gives its name to the Hiriyala district north of Kuranegala,
3 While the inhabitants of the Badalatthali district were not dis-
inclined to support the Prince against his uncle, those of Siriyala and
later, to a greater extent, those of Buddhagama showed themselves
hostile, even inclined to capture him and give him up to the King.66. 36
Gfajabahu
255
kind of loyalty would that be on our part to the King who
gives us.our daily bread?" So thought certain traitors, con- 23
ceived the plan of capturing him and pursued him from be-
hind while he was on the march. Without being in the least 24
afraid of them, the Prince fought them sword in hand and
scattered them in flight Together with his followers among 25
whom no falling off was noticeable1, the discerning Prince,
free of all danger, reached Buddhagama. When a few days 26
of his sojourn there had passed, the inhabitants assembled
together to capture the Prince. Raining a furious, uninter- 27
rupted shower of arrows, they surrounded the village full of
zeal to begin the fight. "We must give up our lives if he 28
benefits thereby" thought the soldiers who had come with
him and, flurried by fear all, save the umbrella-bearer and 29
the sword-bearer of the Prince, fled on every side before
the Prince's eyes. When he saw his soldiers fleeing, he smil- 30
ed a little and having now found an opportunity of showing
his extraordinary courage, the Prince thought: wWith my 31
weapon even will I strike terror into the foe and scatter
him in flight", and cried with vehemence: "Give me my
sword!" When the soldiers who had at first fled, heard along 32
with these loud and resoundingly spoken words, the blare of
the victorious trumpets penetrating the circle of the firmament, 33
and when they saw the struck off heads of the foe, falling
to the ground, they turned and fighting, scattered the troops 34
some thousands in number in flight, surrounded the Prince
and praised his courage.
While now the Prince sojourned there he desired to have 3o
the nagaragiri2 of King Gajabahu, Gokapna3, who had the
control of Kalavapi, in his presence, to find out his views. 36
1 P. aditthaparihaniker quite ignored in Ws translation. It must
hewever be emphasised that not one of the original followers of the
Prince had deserted him.
2 The title* nagaragiri is met with here for the first time (cf. also
66. 62 and 70. 68). See Introduction III.
3 GfoJcanna is probably ,a clan name (see above 38.13, note); skr.
gokarna, P. go"kanna denotes a species of stag, an elk.256
G-ajaMhu 66.37
He sent therefore, one of his henchmen to him with a letter.
37 When the latter saw the missive he nodded consent, read it
38 and learned from it of all that had taken place. Believing
that the superiority of the Prince's forces made disobedience
39 to his commands an impossibility and without waiting for
news as to the opinion1 of his own Monarch, he came to
40 Buddhagama and sought out the Prince with reverence. "Thou
hast heard how I have come hither away from my father the
King, how I have caused the violent death of the mighty
41 Senapati, and how I have performed marvellous deeds of he-
42 roism against the foe following in my rear. Without even
a thought that thou shouldst learn the opinion of thine owa
king, while before the sending of my messenger no connec-
43 tion (between us) existed, thou (nevertheless) settest out to
see me the moment thou didst see my letter; thou hast done
44 well," with these words the Prince full of joy, presented him
with all the ornaments he had himself worn, consisting of divers
45 precious stones, along with an excellent elephant. To the
leaders among his soldiers he gave valuable ornaments of
46 divers kinds, such, as costly earrings and the like. Hereupon
he dismissed the chief (Qoka^^a) with his soldiers that they
might rest, having shown himself friendly to them by the
assigning of dwellings, food and the like.
47 Arrived in his quarters for the night, Groka^na beheld
himself in a dream in the form2 of the Senapati who had
48 been murdered at the Prince's command, surrounded on all
sides by robbers with swords in their hands to kill Mm. In
49 mortal terror lie gave a shriek and fell from his bed to the
50 ground, and without heed for the people who bore his sword, his
umbrella and the like, lie left the whole of the force which
had come with him in the lurch. But as he could not even
51 find his way by the heavens, he got into a great forest and
losing the path, wandered about in it. Only at daybreak did
1 P. bhaca (the same in v. 42) in reality **kind^ character", then
"attitude towards something, conception".
2 Thus I explain the tiya: he saw himself (attanam) as the Senapati.06.63
Ga-jabahu
257
lie find the road leading to Kalavapi, followed it in haste 52
and reached his village. His men too, when they heard of
the flight of their lord, seeing no other escape, smitten with 53
the greatest terror, left each of them his1 weapons behind and
wandered like their master bewildered about the forest, reaching 54
Kalavapi in haste at break of day. When the Prince heard 55
the story of the flight he smiled and remained there (in
Buddhagama) a few days longer. And from that time this 56
story was for him who appreciated humorous tales3, a means
in moments when he was downhearted, of chasing away his
depression.
When Kittisirimegha heard of all these events he sum- 57
moned his great dignitaries together and took counsel with
them: "The Prince has escaped in disguise from our well 58
protected town, looked after by officials and filled with soldiers.
Thereupon together with certain villainous and undutiful people 59
who went with him from here3, he has fled, has slain the 60
mightiest vassal in my kingdom, the Senapati, has seized the
whole of the costly property accumulated by him, has then in
his flight slain here and there many soldiers among the country 61
folk who pursued him, has summoned to him the nagaragiri 62
Gokaiina, of King Gajabahu* and has brought him under his
influence and now sojourns in Buddhagama5. This is no. time 63
to look on inactively. If the foe in this threatening situation6
1 Note the free treatment of the gender in aymlMni. , . sake sale.
2 P. 'nanabhassarasa, lit. "for the many kinds of tastes in narratives".
One might read nanahassarasa: 'hassa = skr. hasya is the cheerful
laughter-rousing fundamental character (rasa) of a literary work.
3 The MS. reading te tato in 59 b is disturbing. It is difficult to
place te in the construction of the sentence and tato stands already at
the beginning of the verse. I propose reading ten* ato; tena is comita-
tive "with him" and ato means "from here'1 that is from SaiikhatthalT.
4 The same wording as in v. 35 c b.
5 The present part, vasam stands here again instead of a finite verb
to express a permanent state. Gf. note to 41. 89.
6 P. asmim cMddamhi, lit. "at this break" (= weakness, want), or
possibly in the original meaning "tit this moment where a division (an
estrangement between mo and my nephew) has taken place".
17258 Gaydbtihu
66.64
64 make a treacherous treaty with, the Prince who is favoured
by fortune and gifted with insight and courage, and think
65 to begin war, that will be for us a great misfortune. Before
he can think out other worse plans he must be seized during
66 his stay in that village". Thus resolved, he summoned the two
Adhikarins1, Sena and Mahinda by name, further Mangalana,
67 the son of a royal servant2, as well as other retainers and
sent them forth with the words; "Take with you all people
68 in my kingdom who live by soldiering, go forth in haste
69 and bring the Prince hither by force". These took each his
great army and with powerful forces divided into ten columns
70 they approached Siriyala. When the Prince heard thereof
he thought: "I will take up my position at a spot difficult
to pass3, in such a way as to force the troops which are
marching separately in ten columns, to join each other and then
71 I shall immediately destroy them". The hero betook himself
in haste from Buddhagama to Saraggama4 in the district of
72 Mahatila. The officers (of Kittisirimegha) thought however:
wif the Prince flees from Buddhagama and withdraws into an
73 impassible region surrounded by mountains, his capture will
be difficult, whatever means one uses", and marched united
74 thither. When the Prince heard that he rejoiced at the success
of his plan. In front he left space for the advancing army,
75 placed his numerous men on both sides of the road, hidden, well
* From 70. 278 it is clear that adhikarin denotes a certain office or
a certain rank. See Introduction III.
2 W. seems here to adopt the reading malialanam of the Col. Ed*
which however has no support from the MSS. and translates* "the mahar
lana" ? with the note "chief secretary" (?) ? Devapadaxmila Daraka".
The word padamMlaka or -lika with the meaning of "servant" occurs
frequently in the Jatakas (PTS. P. D. s. v., also DhCo. I. 183 4j.
3 Not "at such a stronghold" as W. translates. It is a case of a
narrow pass in the mountains.
4 Saraggama has certainly nothing to do with Sarogamatittha on
the Mahavalukaganga (71. 18; 72. I, 33). CODRIHGTON identifies it, follo-
wing STOEEY, with Selagarna in the District Matale, Asgiri Pallesiya
Pattuva (Census of C., 1921, IL, p. 94), Instead of "from Boddhagima"
the text has simply tato "from there1', the same in v. 72.66.85
Gajabahu
259
armed, such as were deemed especially brave. Then when 76
the mighty one saw that the whole of the hostile force had
advanced to the centre, he experienced in the art of war,
had numbers of soldiers cut down. Those who remained over 77
from the slaughter threw their weapons away as the case
might be and fled, with no thought of renewing the fight,
on. all sides. The victorious Prince left the place thereupon 78
and betook himself to Bodhigamavara1 there to await Ms father's
decisions2. Sojourning there the hero spent several days and 79
after scattering* in that same place a (further) army which
came forth to fight at the command of his father the King, 80
he retired from thence and betook himself to the village of
Kanambura in the region of the Laiika mountains3. To 81
remove the footsoreness of his soldiers the intrepid one
spent several days sojourning there. Then he reflected thus: 82
"Although my foes have all been repeatedly crushed by me
in battje, they will not retire out of fear of my father, gi-
ving up the hope (of success) in fight. Because their evil 83
counsellors have wrongly thought: this Prince falls not into
our power only because he is in inaccessible country, there- 84
fore I shall now betake myself to the spot where they are
sojourning and drive away their evil thoughts". He advanced 85
1 W. translates "returned to the village Bodhigama, He thus ob-
viously considers Bodhigamavara to be the same as Buddhagama. But
the text has not paccagd "he returned", but agd "he went1*, CODRIKOTON
(I. 69) regards Bodhigamavara as the present Bo gam bar a in the Matale
Pallesiya Pattuva (N. E. of Matale). The prince thus stayed near the
battlefield to await the development of events.
® P. pitucitt&nurakkhattham, W's translation "that he might calm
the anxiety of his father" is wrong. All Parakkamabahu's actions have
the character of open enmity and are opposed to the fiction of the
compiler that no conflict had taken place between uncle and nephew.
3 The Prince withdrew from Bodhigamavara further E. or N. E. There
is no doubt that the name Laiikapabbata or Lankagiii (thus 70. 88,
mentioned again in connection with Bodhigamavara) Is preserved in the
present Lag gala, the name of a district between Matale Pallesiya Pattuva
and the Mahaveliganga, It is also advisable to read instead of the
Ratainburam of the Col. Ed,, Ranamburam in which OODBXNGTOK re-
cognises the present Ranamure In Laggala Udaslya Pattuva*
17*66.86
to the village of Khiravapi occupied by their army and
86 reached the district called Ambavana1. He occupied it and
haying found out himself from the people there the exact
route to march against the foe2, he set out in the evening
87 and reached the village at night. When his soldiers reached
the enclosure consisting of terrible briers fall of prickles from
top to bottom3, they stayed without, being unable to pene-
88 trate it. The hero placed himself at the head, broke fearlessly
through the fence, and standing in the middle of the village
89 called out his name. The enemy who had already witnessed
the marvellous courage of the Prince, were seized with terror
90 when they heard his resounding voice and all (of them)
without even thinking of clothes or weapons,' fled on all
91 sides, like gazelles that have caught sight of a lion. His
soldiers who had entered by the way he had forced, slew
whomsoever they caught sight of, and set fire to the village.
,92 The Prince immediately marched to the village of Navagirisa
and resting there awaited the dawn.
98 The dignitaries of his father, the King, now assembled
and spoke with each other of the great energy (of the Prince)
94 in the various battles: "With our plan of capturing the Prince
quickly with our forces of so many thousand men, we have
95 brought ruin on our own army, and since they have everywhere
fled in fight, we have only caused the Prince's fame to become
96 more widely known. But if we disregard the terrible com-
mand sent us repeatedly by the King, then the life of our
97 kinsfolk is at stake4. It is not meet that we spend our time
here without taking pains to carry out the King's command
98 by every possible 'means. Even at the cost of our lives we
1 The name is preserved in that of the Ambanganga (CODBINGTOH)
which flows through the valley of Matale and turns eastward at Nalanda
towards the Mahaveliganga.
2 P. etehi refers to the inhabitants of Ambavana, t?R&m to the enemy;
samcdra means the possibility of approaching the enemy,
3 So I understand tiktihaggtipwla *'where the top part (agga) and the
foot end (jw*
must satisfy the Lord who gives us our living, and thereby
ensure the protection of our kindred". Therewith full of 99
defiant courage, with large, well armed forces, they set forth
like the army of Mara on a road shown them by scouts.
From four sides they forced their way into the village and 100
surrounded the Prince's house. As the hilly region was cool, 101
the latter had donned a red woollen shawl and sat there
playing a game to which he was accustomed from his child-
hood. From the noise he noticed that the foe was quite
102
near, but since he saw not one of his own followers, he at
once bound his topknot fast, wrapped himself tightly in the 108
woollen shawl he had been wearing, and terrible, sword in
hand, he plunged like a savage lion into the middle of the 104
fight and in a moment chased the whole of the enemy to
the world's end1. Then after raising his voice and calling 105
together his own people who had come with him and who
terrorized by the clamour, had fled into the wilderness, he
reflected: "The fear which, must beset the King of the hostile 106
party2 when he thinks what maybe the cause of my leaving
the King my father and coming hither? all that I have hitherto 107
done, beginning with the slaying of the Senapati3, suffices to
remove it. I must now betake myself to the other country''.
Therewith he set forth thence and at the place Porogahali- 108
khapla4 he cleansed by the pouring over with water the
blood stains5 from sword and hand6, laid aside the blood- 109
1 Lit.: "he made the enemy (dise) into such as turned themselves to
the end of the firmament (disftnta)".
2 I. e. Gajabahu,
3 The train of thought is this; It is intelligible that Gajabahu should
regard rny «coming with, distrust. He may fear that 1 intend evil
to-
wards Mm. But all my actions so far have been directed not against
him but against my father. This should allay his fears so that I can
now enter his country without danger.
4 1 prefer to read °gah&U° (Instead of °
"district", a narrower area than rattha or mandala.
5 Lit. "the union with the red blood".
0 Or perhaps "from the sword hand", from the hand wLIch . had
wielded the sword.Gajatoahu 66.110
soiled mantle that he had worn and enjoyed after a change
110 of garment a comfortable rest. He then crossed the frontier
of the province of his royal father and reached in the realm
111 of Gajabahu the small place called Janapada1. With all kinds
of sportive games, such as were customary in the country,
he spent several days, sojourning there.
112 Now when Gajabahu heard from the mouth of his watch-
men of the gradual approach of the Prince he was seized
113 with great alarm. He spoke with his councillors and after
determining what was to be done, he sent him a gift of
114 raiment, ornaments and the like. To his envoys he gave this
message2: "Since hearing of thy leaving my uncle3, the King,
and of the wonderful deeds of courage which thou hast
115 performed on the way and that thou instead of applying
elsewhere*, hast entered my realm, my heart has become
116 narrow through expanding joy. Besides myself what kindred
hast thou who would be ready to serve thee5. A coronation
117 festival truly is thy visit for me. Since my uncle, the King, in
his old age does not hold such a jewel of a son as his most
118 precious possession and by some imprudent attitude has let
him come into my hands, that means for me the reward in
119 full for a highly meritorious action. If we twain are now for
120 ever united, what foe will dare to make war on us? My splendour
will now in every respect become great, even as that of the
121 fire when it has gained the storm wind as its ally. Once we
1 Janapada ia often mentioned as borderland of Rajarattha towards
Cf. 67. 22; 70. 87. It is probably to be looked for in
tin? neighbourhood of the present Vagapanaha, Udasiya Pattuva, east
of Dambnl.
*
2 Cf. T. 122: it vatoona etc.
3 Eitlisiriinegha was married to Lokanatha, the sister of Gajabahn's
Vikkanmbahu, according to 59. 44.
* Wills the majority of the IfSS. we must read here agantv& 'nnattha,
if with the Coi Ed, we read dyamtva (thus only In MS. S 6)
unintelligible, for the meaning is not **somewhere or other"
" W, hat "kinsfolk .,, on your mother's side*'.66.132
Gajdbahu 263
have met each other, I shall have no difficulty in conferring
on the prince the royal dignity which belonged to his father.
Meanwhile them must without loss of time carry out thy visit 122
to me". With this message he dismissed his envoys. When 123
the Prince whose intelligence was well capable of discrimi-
nation (between the true and the false) heard this news from
the envoys, he thought: "It is ever very hard to see through
the craftiness of princes; I will test him and then set off", 124
and he sent together with the envoys, a warrior Nimmala by
name, versed in all expedients. After learning (through him) 125
the true character of the king as well as that of all his ad-
visers, the Prince advanced further towards Pulatthinagara.
Thereupon King Gajabahu advanced to meet him at the 126
head of a great army, 'showed him in joyful zeal many fa-
vours, let the Prince mount the elephant on which he him- 127
self was riding, showed him the beauty of the town and
betook himself (with him) to the royal palace. The Prince 128
made known his joy called forth by the seeing Grajabahu and
after spending some days there he in order to become ac- 129
quainted with those of the King's people dwelling in the
outlying districts who were for him and against him1, sought 130
out such as understood all kinds of tricks and knew the dia-
lect of the various regions and who were distinguished by
devotion to their Lord. Of these he being versed in the 131
methods to be applied, made those who understood the mixing
of poisons2, adopt the garb of the snake charmer. Others
skilled in telling of the lines of the hand and other marks
1 The work of espionage now begins. That the compiler was influen-
ced by the reading of text books on nlti, as for instance, Kautalya's
Arthasastra (I. 11, 7 IF.) is unmistakable. The sdnuraga and silparaga
of oar passage correspond to the aJcrtya and "krtyd of K. I. 13-15, the
faithful who cannot be influenced and the unfaithful whom one can win
over to oneself. Of. Arthasastra of Kautilya, ed. R. SHAMA SASTRI, p. 22
if.;
Kautilya's Arthasastra trsl. by R. SHAMASASTEY p. 26 ff.; Das altindische
Buch vom Welt- und Staatsleben, das Arthaaastra des Kautilya, libers,,
von J. J. MEYBE, p. 24 ff.
2 P. msmijj@sm Jbt?wle corresponding to the rasaddh of Kautalya
L 11. Of. also with this the rasdkrvyabhi^na below in v. 158.254
CfajabaJm
66.133
on the body1 lie had disguised as wandering musicians, as
133 eapjalas and as brahmai?as. Amongst the many Damilas and
others he made such as were practised in dance and song2,
appear as people who played with leather dolls and the like.
134 Others again after they had laid aside their own garb, he ordered
to go round3 selling goods such as rings and bracelets of glass and
135 the like. Others again he sent forth with the command that they
should go in the garb of ascetics4, with the equipment of such,
136 the umbrella, the beggars staff and the like, wandering like
unto pious pilgrims from village to village and thereby
1S7 performing their devotions in front of the cetiyas. People
versed in the art of healing he commanded to seek out vil-
lages and market towns and there to practise the healing
138 art5. Such as understood the instruction of boys in the art
of writing and in the handling of weapons, who were skilled
in the preparation of magic potions and versed in spirit in-
139 cantation as well as craftsmen possessed of skill in the work-
ing of gold and the like he ordered to move from place to
140 place, practising their profession. In order to find out him-
self the actual conditions as these existed amongst the in-
habitants of the inner district (of the town), he by showing a
141 great innocence founded on his youth, learned amongst the
people who came to him under the pretext of entertainment
142 and who dwelt on the weakness of the King, to distinguish
the highest officials, officers and soldiers those who were
ambitious, those who nursed a grudge, those who were afraid
1 According to the Kautaliya L 12, the knowledge of the lakttana
of the awjdddya belongs to the equipment of a particular Mud of
spy. These are the so-called sattrinah samsargavidy&h.
- The nata-nartaka*gdyana^Maka-v&gjivan&ku8llav& of the Kauia-
IIJM II, 12). "
« In the Kautaliya (I. 11) the vaidehakavyafijatiah, the spy disguised
tt# trailer. Peddling with bracelets of glass and similar trinkets Is com-
in the villages of Ceylon at the present day.
* laiifalfya I. 11 deals with, the t&pasa as spy (mundo va jatilo vd
"s is missing in the Kaafaliya, as well as
the
and the strolling craftsman.66.150
GajaMJiu 265
and those who were avaricious1. He took care2 too, that 143
spies who were versed in the divers rites and ceremonies3 in
use in the various schools and who knew the tales from the
Itihasas, Puranas and many other books, should visit the dif- 144
ferent houses in the assumed garb of samanas. As soon then
as confidence in them bad been established, and when they
had found trust and reverence, they came forward as (spi- 145
ritual) advisers, estranged the people and brought them under
their influence. Believing that if the King were made un- 146
suspicious, he could then move about as he would, and easily
learn the actual conditions in the interior of the country, he 147
sent a letter to his mother who was dwelling in Roha^ia,
fetched thence his younger sister, the charming Princess
Bhaddavati, as well as abundant money, under the pretext that 148
it was her property. The money he took to himself but the 149
Princess he wedded to the Lord of men Grajabahu and so ma-
naged matters that the Euler completely trusted him even as 150
also the royal family4. He used also under the pretence of
sport, to go about the streets with a rutting elephant that
1 The Rautallya I. 14 distinguishes in exactly the same way, four
groups amongst those who can be manipulated and won over for one's
own schemes. The close relation of our passage to the Arthasastra and
the allied literature is shown by the fact that the terms are the same
,in Sanskrit and in Pali: 1) the kruddhavargah = P. samkuddhd, the
group of the indignant, 2) the bhltavargdh = P. bhitd^ the group of
the fearful, S) the lubdhacargah = P. luddhfi, the group of the
avaricious and, 4) the manwargdh = P. dbMmdnino, the group of the
ambitious. The last group is placed first by the Culavaxnsa. For the
whole subject cf. W. GEIGER, Kenntnis der Indischen NTtiliteratur in
Ceylon, Festschrift fur H. Jacob! (Beitrage zur Literaturwissenechaft und
Geistesgeschichte Indiens), p. 418 ff.
2 P. rMMnam taiha fcari yathd ... in v. 145: "he acted In the way,
arranged It so that ..."
3 P. upfiya-vidhdm, not * folklore" as translated by W. The Kauhi-
Iiya I. 9 uses upaya along with atharvan In the meaning1 of "rite,
sorcery".
4 Ws translation is wrong. He has not realised that tatn rtljal'ulam
belongs still to the preceding*. The Sinhalese translator* S. and B, have
also overlooked it.266 Gajabahu
66.151
151 had rut discharge, and when he was pursued by it would quickly
flee under the pretext that refuge was difficult to find, into
the house of people who were to be brought under his in-
152 fluence. He then gave them fitting money reward, costly
ornaments and the like and brought them thus imperceptibly
153 under his influence. All the people down to the lowest grades,
and the soldiers who dwelt in the town, thought, each for
154 himself that this courtesy was paid to him. Thereupon he
ordered his skilled scribes to make an estimate of the King's
revenues, of his stocks of grain, of his troops, of his various
155 war material and so on, with the charge: record these by
stealing into the various departments of the administration1.
156 Others he appointed to find out the inmost thoughts of the
people entrusted with the guarding of the town and (of those)
157 of the leaders of the army. He himself under the pretest of
youthful pastimes, roamed about everywhere and thus, avoi-
ding every peril, explored the conditions in both spheres2.
158 When the wise man realises how all enterprises under-
taken by beings equipped with a great fulness of meritorious
deeds accumulated in previous existences, have a successful
issue, not meeting with any hindering cause, he will cer-
tainly do good.
Here ends the sixty-sixth chapter, called "The Spying out
of the Conditions in the other Country", in the Mahavamsa,
compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
1 Lit. "groups of scribes
2 What Is meant is antoniandalam the territory inside the town, and
bahimandalam that outside of the town. Cf. above V. 129, 140.G-ajdbdhu
267
CHAPTER LXVII
THE FESTIVAL OF THE MAHADIPADA
Now one day the Prince mounted his chariot and drove, 1
accompanied by his retainers, along the King's highway. Then 2
a terrible buffalo broken loose, that killed eyeryone it saw,
with rolling bloodshot eyes sprang upon him. When the 8
charioteer and the people of the retinue saw it dashing on-
wards, seized with fear they fled in haste. Then the Prince 4
thought: it is not meet for me to flee like those there, and
fearless and without excitement, the hero swiftly went for him 5
and called to him suddenly with loud resounding voice. When 6
the buffalo heard this, like to a lion's roar, it turned in terror
and ran away, killing or trampling down everyone it met.
All who had seen the miracle with their own eyes or had 7
heard of it broke, full of astonishment, into words of admira-
tion: "Behold the heroism, behold the courage, behold the 8
determination, behold his steadfastness, behold the effect of
his meritorious deeds!"
When the Ruler of men Gajabahu heard how the people 9
praised his bravery and his other qualities, he thought: that 10
is a great man, of terrible courage whose extraordinary might
cannot be compared with that of others, and he began to be
afraid of him. Now when the Prince perceived the suspicious 11
thoughts which had arisen in the King Gajabahu he reflected
thus: "If I wish while sojourning here, to achieve the so- 12
vereignty, I shall without doubt succeed by the mere wrinkling
of my brows. But in this case my dignity, and my extra- 13
ordinary courage and the strength of my arms will have no
renown in the world. And the incessant twitching in my arms 14
will nevermore cease without the pastime of a war game.268
GajabaJiu
67,15
15 Therefore I will return to the land of my birth, overwhelm
this king by war and capture him and his retainers alive.
16 Then when I bring my father Kittisirimegha into this town
and by the water of the royal coronation which will be poured
17 on his head, I efface the shame of the defeat of my three
fathers ? then will my fame spread itself also over Jambudipa."
18 Hereupon he found out through hunters a way of approach
for the army in making an assault on the town and a way
19 for Its retirement, if there should be cause for retreat, as well
as a way suitable for his own spies, well understanding how
20 to discriminate between the different ways, while he himself
under the pretext of the chase, wandered about the forest
near the town, and distinguished the main roads from the
bypaths by particular signs.
21 Mindful of the words of the Buddha: if one lets time slip
away, time drinks up the best1, he with the intention of be-
22 taking himself to his own country, then sent away first of
all his followers having fixed the goal where one should meet,
28 In the locality of Janapada2. But as he thought, that after
having stayed there so long it was not In keeping with his
24 manliness, to leave without giving notice thereof, he paid a
visit in the evening in Yichly decorated attire, to the King
25 Gajabahu. Then when twilight had come when people were
wont to amuse themselves with divers games, he smiling, with
26 cheerful mien, spake thus: "I must start even to-day to be-
take myself to the province of the Tuvaraja, and having paid
27 a visit to my father, then return hither in haste." When
the King heard this, thanks to his naturally defective under-
28 standing, he thought he had said this with reference to his
1 Lit.: "In the passing of time time drinks away the sap (rasa) thereof."
, That is: a work loses its value if it Is not carried out without
hesitation.
This is held to be a buddhavaeo, like many ancient sayings of wisdom,
S. and B. have changed the word evidently because it is not to be
found in the Canon, into vuddhaoaco "ancient saying11 (thus W.) I think
however, that vuddha Is only used of age in respect of human life.
2 Thus already neat the frontier of Dakkhinadesa, See note to
66. 110.67.41 Gajabfthu
269
intention to betake himself to his house1, and said to him
with cheerful smile the favourable words: "May what you 29
have in mind be swiftly fulfilled!"2 The chief Brahma^a
who stood near the King likewise at the same moment spake
a favourable word of happy augury of which it is acknow- 30
ledged that it aims at the abundant accumulation (of means)
for the attainment of an object, for peace and victory and
for the destruction of the hostile party. "When the Prince 31
heard that, he thought with joy: the present constellation is
favourable to my course, and betook himself to his home.
Thereupon the Prince great in virtue and insight, hearing B2
and seeing favourable omens of many kinds, left the house.
Running as if in fun after his elephant called Rimakula, he 33
roamed from street to street and left the town at night. By 34
moonlight wandering thence, he met a man resting at the
foot of a tree and asked him who he was. When he heard 35
that he was a wayfarer he spake quickly with raised voice:
"Dost thou know me?" The other stood silent from fear.
"Adipada Parakkamabahu, so they call me; fear not". With 36
these words he quickly quieted him and won him for himself.
He spake to him: "That I met thee here was in truth.for me 37
a great gain. Betake thee now in all haste to the camp and 38
tell there thou hast seen Prince Parakkamabahu on the way
into his own country". With that he sent him off hurriedly.
Near the Khajjurakavaddhaniana tank ke kept a lookout 39
whether a force were in pursuit of him. As the Prince 40
saw no troop pursuing him, he set out to betake himself to
(the place) called Ka^apaddauda. A. dreadful, savage she-bear, 41
with great sharp claws3, sprang at him in the vast wilder-
1 Lit.: "with reference to the going to Ms own house'** Thus Gaja-
bahu takes yui-ardJaraltJia as a joking expression of Parakkamabahu's
for Ms bouse, as be is of course playing tlie part of yuvarflja* The
King does not for a moment think that DakkMtjtiulesa Is meant. Even
the words ftYIMt/a pitudassctnatH lie refers to himself not to Kitti-
sirimegha.
s These are words of favourable augury, roeawaw mahgalctMimhitam,
which the Prince at on<*o applies to his high-soaring- ]>hins.
<* The juBgie boar (wrfu/vw* laMalim) native to Ceylon, is distinguished
by its enormonH270 Gajabahu
67.42 I
j
42 ness with her cubs, with a fearful howl Forcing her down
",j
with the edge of his shield, he split her with his sword in
?;?
two hakes, but with the back of his foot he quickly cast off
,,;
43 the cubs. He then called together his comrades who had
|
fled in fear into the forest. While hereupon still free from
<'ri
44 fear, he passed over rocky country1, he brought down a boar
i
terrible beyond all measure, who had attacked him as if it
i
were a whole herd2, and who gave vent to a terrible grunt.
45 Then when marching further at the village of Demeliyagama3
: >,
at daybreak, he beheld the peasants who were named after
46 it4, setting forth sword in hand on some kind of enterprise,
, '
he thinking they came at the head of the (pursuing) army5,
jp'|
47 smote vehemently with his sword on his shield and with a
? '? i
48 savage cry; "I will slay the villains" sprang into the midst
of them like a lion among gazelles. They fled frightened into
49 the big forest, throwing away their weapons. Thereupon the
<
Prince looked thither on every side and when he saw a man
| ?
50 who had fallen into a chasm, he drew him out of the abyss
and asked him who they were. When he h^d heard out of
<\;
his mouth the state of affairs in accordance with the truth,
d, t
51 he spake full of pity; "Leave off fearing everyone and take
'';;;
up your weapons", and declared to them openly his own
/?
52 purpose, Near Mangalabegama he saw for the first time sol-
*'f *'
'>;<"'
1 P, sil&khamdam. W. takes the word for a proper name,
. ,,!,;'
2 The Col. Ed. changes the MSS. reading yatha yutMbMyantam un-
* <>{'''
necessarily Into tath& y° W. accordingly translates "leading a
herd'1. JV-.
3 The form of the name is quite uncertain. The MSS. waver. The
I;
Col. Ed, has Demeliyanaga but it is just the m which is present in all
li'4
the MSS. . ? .
' ' .','C
f' A
-~« r««-«.ew .? ,^j w.«vv.*«.
... M«.«O u^«««,«»c& **a
a, Fia^c ^
name, but the locality is already gi?en in Demeliyagamwchaye game,
^
I that belongs to the immediately preceding
g®mike J'v
the word corresponds to a Skr. *au$an&mika (*upanfiman "snr-
"^);'
nickname"). G-amike wpantimifa thus means the same as De-
'%,
,|'V'
3 We most connect with ytin& (abl); y&na has the meaning
, |';!'
of the Latin ^/men. Lit: here they come in advance of the army
'f;'
(owtio recta).
!<&
I67.58 Gajdbdliu
271
diers of his retinue1 who had come according to the agree-
ment, and accompanied by them, he betook himself to the 53
locality called Janapada and joined his retinue who had ar-
rived there beforehand2. The Prince tarried there with his 54
people two or three days, giving himself up'to the pleasures
of the chase and various other entertainments.
When King Kittisirimegha now learned from a letter sent 55«
him by his watchmen, that his son had betaken himself
thither, he rejoiced in the thought that after the Prince had 56
sojourned so long A^ith the enemy, he had now without tak-
ing any harm, happily escaped out of the power of the foe.
With the command: "Ye must, my friends, without delay bring 57
hither to foe the son who chases away my grief, and before
a hindrance arises, show him to me", he sent to him people 58
from the five groups of menials, who were known to be
courageous3, together with an autograph letter aad gifts.
1 P. Ifaaie sahavaddhite. Of. with this sahavaddhit&nam amacc&nam
68. 5, s&k&vaddhitayodhehi 70. 189, as well as saddhimvaddhitaposesu
70. 277. The meaning of sahavaddMta is apparently the same as that
of sdh&gata "come along with", and then "belonging to the immediate
retinue". Is there perhaps a connection between vaddhita and the
Sinn, vadinava?
2 The localities, Rhajjura® addkam ana, Kanapaddauda, Demeliyagama
and Mangalabegdma all lie on a line nranmg from Polonnaruva to east
of Dambul. See note to 66. 110, The Prince had covered the distance
? about 20?25 miles as the crow flies ? in a night and part of the fol-
lowing day, reaching Demeliyagama at daybreak. His retinue expect
him according to agreement (see 67, 22) at Janapada, and from here
according to orders, some people have come to Mangalabegama to meet
him. Of this place CODRINGTON says (I. 70): "Mangalaba seems to repre-
sent some such name as Magul-ebe; a Matul-eb^ is said locally to be
between Konduraveva and Puvakgaha Dlpota in Matale District."
3 The Col. Ed. has nUyaka0 and W/ accordingly translates: "reputed
heads of the five trades". But the MSS. have all nd&t&a0 which points
rather to n&$ankcP (after jane = anasanha0). Kittisirimegha entrusts
with the commission people whose hearts are in the right place, bearing
in mind the violent death suffered by the Senapati Safikha. According
to W. pessiya were artisans, such ae carpenters, weavers, washermen,
barbers and shoemakers (note to the passage). In 84. 5 in addition to272
Gajdbahu
67.59
59 The Prince was glad when he saw the people and the presents
they had brought, and betook himself thence to Saraggama1
60 desirous of meeting again with his father. Now when Kit-
61 tisirimegha heard that his son was there, he sent thither the
head of the Kutharasabha2 as well as Abhaya, the chief of
the ascetics, who dwelt in the Paiicaparivenamula monastery
with the order to fetch him hither without loss of time,
62 When the Prince had learned the circumstances of his royal
father as narrated by them, he spake: if the stars are fa-
63 Tourable, I will depart and ye must go with me, and for yet
a few days he passed the time with games at waterfalls and
other pleasant places.
64 When the Prince's companions saw the soldiers who came
from every side, to seek the officials with the chief of the
65 Sabha at their head, they remembering the wrong they had
themselves formerly done3 the King by their adherence to
66 the Prince, became agitated. through fear. And they spake
to one another: "Many soldiers are gathering here from
divers places. Hard to see through are the intentions of these
67-officials. They are all united here, surround us on every side
and taking us in the centre, have occupied the various places".
68 And being perturbed, they told the matter also to the King's son.
69 He was wroth. "Never and nowhere do all these cowards look
at things as they really are, and therefore they see nothing
70 but danger where no danger is. At the sight of the village
guard who have come to see the head of the Sabha they
the five, ten pes8iyavagg& are distinguished. They are rttfakiilayattfi,
belong to the royal household.
1 See note to 66. 71.
s Kttth$r3d»adbh8 Is, as so often, nothing but a paraphrase for
(see note to 44. 6). It is a ease of some kind of council
chamber (sofiM). The word kuth&ra means "axe". Instead of
°r<7,9t"
the Col. Ed. °ra#wiea; thus the name of the priest is
here.
1 Hie following translation Is also possible: "remembering the wanton
they themselves in common with the Prince, had committed
tlie King," would then contain an allusion to
the tf thti Sunk ha.67,87
GajaMJiu 273
talk contemptible nonsense to me" ? and he spake to them 71
words to this effect. But they melted away gradually hither and
thither. When the Prince heard of it he spake: "Although 72
they have witnessed my courage on divers occasions and their
own rescue over and over again by me from evil situations, 73
their inborn cowardice doth not forsake these cravens. What
boots it me whether they stay here or run away, and what 74
man can plot anything and what (can he plot) so long as
I live?" And he spent yet some time tarrying there.
When' Queen . Ratanavall heard that her son was there, 75
but that he was not coming with the (envoys) sent out by
his father, she thought: ult is not meet that grief should 76
be caused to the King by my son passing the time without
coming; I will myself at once bring my son to the Monarch and 77
present him, to him". Thereupon she canie in haste from
Rohana hither, betook herself to Sankhanafcliatthall, sought 78
out the Ruler, exchanged with him many friendly words and,
asked by the Monarch, she informed hinrof the reason for her 79
coming. Then she went thenee to Saraggama, sought out her 80
son, the Tliera, the chief of the ascetics, and the head of the
Sabha and took close counsel with them as to what was to
b^ done. And as (in her opinion) it was not at all seemly 81
to linger far (from the capital), she took the Prince along
with her and betook herself to BadalatthalL Together with 82
the Senapati Deva1 stationed there she went to Sankhana-
thatthall and presented (the Prince) to his father, the King.
When then Kittisirimegha beheld his son, he spake in his 8S
love to the highest officials thus: "To-day the arrow of
84
anxiety as to who here might look after me in my old age
and show me the last honours, Is taken out of my soul But 85
think not that it is for me only a blessing, Is it not also for
you a reward brought forth by former merits? From now 86
onwards ye must all yield obedience to the Prince1'. With
these words the King commended to them his son. While 87
1 Dttva who is here called sfHtldhipati, was apparently the ,*accessor
of the murdered Safckba; Like the latter lie lived at Divlitlatthiill.
18274 Gajdbahu
67.88
the officials full of zeal, did according to his command, King
Kittisirimegha departed this life,
88 The steadfast Prince who knew the writings of the Master
(Buddha)1, was not mastered by the agitation called forth by
89 the grief at his father's death. He comforted the inhabitants
of the kingdom beginning with the high dignitaries, carried
out the fire burial of his father in a manner worthy of him,
90 appointed here and there in the country and on the frontiers
of the realm loyally devoted officials amongst his immediate
91 followers2. Then versed in the laws valid for the nobility,
at a favourable constellation, during the festival of the bind-
92 ing on of the frontlet denoting the rank of mahadipada he
held a solemn procession ? he the ornament of Lanka, adorned
with all ornaments, around the town adorned with every or-
98 nament in every way ? he the mighty round the troop-filled
(town), he the most dexterous riding on his elephant ? even
94 as the King of the gods round the city of the gods3. By the
rain of an abundant gift of money to the samaras and the
brahmaijas and others he stilled then the persistence of the
95 glow of their poverty. To the King Gajabahu and to the
King Manabharaija he sent hereupon his envoys to inform
them of the affair4.
1 P. natasaUlidgama. It is doubtful whether sattha contains the
Skr. £astm or sdstr (P. sattJiar). W. seems to assume the former,
since
he translates: "versed in all knowledge and religion". I think the latter
and take satfhagama as a synonym of buddhcif/ama* The Buddha teaches
in the sacred scriptures, absolute quiet of soul, indifference towards joy
and sorrow,
2 W. translates "officers whom he had trained". That is in itself
unobjectionable. Nijavaddhita would correspond then to skr.
nija-
vardhita = svavanlhita (BR. s. v. wyVr, near the end). I find it difficult
however, to separate niiawtddhita from the taliavaddkita so often used
in the same context. See note to 67. 52.
3 The whole section is full of pans. Notice in v. 91 ndkhatte and
Jekatta, in v, 92 atowfrfira and ahtmkata, neftehi ntikadhfi, in
v. 98
pafoala and "bala, dakkhiydggct and f>fiffoH"M«n (which 1 liave
rendered
by "solemn procession"), as well as aJwri and /.vinwt, wrindo and *w-
aw.
Tins he 0'bierves diplomatic courtesy in" notifying the change of67.96
Gajabahu
275
He (Parakkamabahu) who had won1 the hearts of his 96
many officers through the fulness of his excellent qualities,
who had reduced all hostility to nothing2, who had won
lustrous glory, whose wealth consisted in his renown which
filled the whole universe, dwelt in that town doing much good.
Here ends the sixty-seventh chapter, called "The Festival
of the Mahadipada", in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the
serene joy and emotion of the pious.
reign. But it is to be noted that he assumes the title of mahddipacla,
This looks like modesty, but it includes as against Gajabahu, for future
time the claim to the crown in the whole of the kingdom.
1 nlla, lit. "directed, led" is to be taken in the sense of vasam ntta
"brought under his influence, won over for himself".
2 For vidhunita cf. skr. dhu with vi, in BR. 2.
18*276 Gajabahu
CHAPTER LXVIII
THE IMPROVEMENT OF HIS OWN KINGDOM
1 With his high-soaring plans and with his exact knowledge
of the other country, though now in possession of the royal
dignity, he did not give way to empty boasting1 (such as):
2 "the reward of my royal dignity, after the subjugation of all
my foes, consists (now already) in the gain of prosperity and
3 welfare for the laity and the Order", but he thought: "It
is true, I have by my extraordinary insight brought my king-
dom although it is small, so far that much in it has prq-
4 spered, but I will now within a short time further it so
greatly that it will surpass the greatness of other kingdoms11.
5 With this reflection the Prince granted to all the dignitaries
amongst his followers3, to each according to his merit, posts
1 A difficult passage. The alteration of pida c in the Col. Ed. into
tatfha mantanam-apajja (W. "he took counsel with ...") is unnecessary.
I believe that fcatthamattain anapajja which some of the MSS. have,
while the writing of others suggests it, gives quite good sense. That
would be the skr. *Icatthdm&tram (®kaUha "boasting" from the root
ftatf/t). At most a quite slight alteration might be made ? katthanatiam:
Jsattkana (skr. the same) and raff, -tta {skr. -tva) "condition of
boasting11.
Neyuttaka in d I regard on account of the e in the first syllable, as a
secondary derivative of niyutht (skr. niyukta) and as a substantive at
that, formed like fdmaifiydka "lovelineas". Pipni's rule 5. 1. 132, it is
true, allows this formation only with adjeeti?e§ in *y«. Strophe
2 gives
then the content of the boasting from which Pamkkamabilm refrains,
being conscious of the great which still await him. He is not
satisfied bj what lie achieved till BOW by a quiet and pious
lift in Ms present realm, but he the sovereignty over
Cejfton.
* Stft It 67.52 90. W.
and in68.20 Gajabdhu
277
and inclined them to himself by gifts of money. Prom the 6
Samantakuta1 mountain to the port at the sea he divided his
army along the frontier of the kingdom into various camps,
and reflecting that in the first place, in every possible way 7
grain must be stored in mass, he spake thus to his hench-
men: "In the realm that is subject to me there are, apart 8
from many strips of country where the harvest flourishes
mainly by rain water, but few fields which are dependent on 9
rivers with permanent flow or on great reservoirs. Also by 10
many mountains, by thick jungle, and by widespread swamps
my kingdom is much straitened. Truly in such a country 11
not even a little water that comes from the rain must flow
into the ocean without being made useful to man. Except at 12
the mines where there are precious stones, gold and the like,
in all other places the laying out of fields must be taken in
hand. For a life of enjoyment of what one possesses, without 13
having cared for the welfare of the people, in no wise befits
one like niyself. And when it is the case of a difficult task, 14
ye also "all with untiring energy must not regard it as hard;
without neglecting the'command given by me, ye must fully 15
carry out the work as ordered". The highly renowned gave 16
the order to rebuild on the river Jajjara2 the great causeway
known as Kot|habaddha which had since long been in ruins,
so that the name alone remained, and which had caused the 17
kings of former, times the greatest difficulties. The officials 18
all described in' every way the difficulties of the work and its
lack of permanence even if it were carried out. The King 19
Parakkamabahu8 repudiated the word: "What is there in the
world that cannot be carried out by people of energy? That 20
70. 189 and 277 "officers that bad been brought op with him", but in
67. 52 "Ms fellow soldiers".
1 See note to 60. 64.
2 Now the Deduru-oya. The river rises southwest of Kurunegala,
flows at first in a northwesterly and northerly direction, turns west
below its junction with the Kimbulvana-oya, flows at no great distance
past Nikaveratiya and, falls into the sea to the north of Cbilav.
3 Note that from now onwards Parakkamabahu has the title of King,278
GajaMM
68.21
even Rama had a great causeway built by the monkey hosts
over the ocean ?- this tale lives among the people to this day.
21 If my extraordinary power should be the cause of the fur-
thering of the laity and the Order by the union of Lafika
22 under one umbrella, then even at the beginning of the enter-
prise one sees (in anticipation) its fulfilment". By such words
23 the energetic one fired their energy. Prom the causeway as
starting-point to the district called Kattakara1 the discerning
24 ruler before building the causeway, laid down a large canal,
in depth many times the length of a man, very broad and
25 exceedingly solid. As in this district there was a lack of
stone masons2, the far-famed (King) called together in great
26 number coppersmiths, blacksmiths and goldsmiths and made
over to them the business of masonry and made them lay
down a dam in which the joints of the stones were scarcely
27 to be seen, very firm, quite massive, like to a solid rock3
1 W. is thinking of the Ratkerauva (?) in the Atakalan Korale of
Sabaragamuva; that is of course geographically quite
impossible,
CoDBiNaTON (L 70) refers us to Ratkaravva, about &lfa miles N. W. of
Kuranegala in the Kuda Galboda Korale. If this is right, then* the
small river that flows immediately past Eurunegala and joins the
Deduru-oya further north, would be included in the irrigation system.
The great reservoir must then be sought not far from the spot where
the road from Kurunegala to Darnbul crosses the Deduru-oya. But I
believe that the form of the name is Rattakara, and -avhaya the
word -avJia occuring so frequently at the end of names with the mean-
ing "called so and so". The large map of Ceylon too has not the form
Ratkaravva but Ratkara-veva.
2 I believe that my emendation of the MSS. sitdJcottakanammaM-
palohcikdrake into °Jcdnam dbhava loha0 is simpler than that of the
Col. Ed. °kanam nivdham loha°; bha is very easily confused with
ha
and va with pa. The familiar maha led to a doubling of the 'm. The
sense is now even more pregnant. If a number (nwaha) of stone masons
had been available, one would not have needed the various smiths for
the building of the reservoir and the canal. For they are only employed
for sti&kottanaTcamma.
3 P. pitthipasana, according to PTS. P.D. s. v. "a flat stone or rock,
plateau, ridge". The idea is: the whole causeway looks like a single
immense slab of stone, like a monolith.68.38
Gajabahu 279
and provided with a complete coating of stucco. As a be- 28
lieyer lie placed on tlie Jbeiglit of tlie causeway a bodhl tree,
an image house and a 2'elic shrine1. And expert as he was, 29
he so arranged matters that the whole quantity of water was
borne through the canal to the sea. On both sides, of the 30
canal he had the great wildernesses cleared and many thou-
sands of day's work2 fields laid out, and because the land 31
was thickly studded with granaries full of untrussed rice3 he
caused it to be called by the fitting name of Kotthabaddha.
Hereupon at the place of union of the two rivers Sankha- 32
vacldhamanaka and Kumbhilavana4 the Sovereign had the place 33
Sukaranijjhara dammed up in the aforesaid way and likewise
a canal laid down. He had the water from there carried to 34
the Mahagallaka tank5 and after he had dammed up every-
thing there that was decayed and ruined, having first cleared 35
out the drainage canals, he built a weir6 of larger propor-
tions than before. Prom this place as far as Sukaranijjhara 36
he had fields made and collected in this way stocks of grain.
In* the middle of the Jajjara river at the place Doradattika 37
he built a dam and a large canal and also from there as far 38
as Sukaranijjhara he had fields made and brought together a
1 P. dhatugcMMm. Here, as already in 60. 56 and below in 79. 14,
tlie word appears with the meaning of the Sinhalese dagaba or d&goba,
not as originally for the relic chamber built into the stupa, but for the
stupa itself (dhdtugdbbha = th&pd).
2 P. vaha, a land measure, as much ground as one can cultivate
with a "load1' of seed corn.
3 The reading abaddhavihi of the MSS. which has been arbitrarily
altered in the Col. Ed. into al'h&ndanhi, is necessary, in order to explain
the second part of the name Kotthabaddha.
4 These are the rivers Hakvatunu-oya and Kimbulvana-oya (CODRINGTON
1. 70). The former joins the latter from the right about 4 miles above
its junction with the Dedura-oya. Cf. above note to v. 16.
5 As the Mahagallakavapi is in all probability the Magalle-veva
reservoir in the Magul Otota Korale near Nikaveratiya, the canal most
have followed the right bank of the Deduru-oya for a length of about
16 miles. Cf. note to 44. 8.
« P. iviri>H(i, Ht. "waterfall". Cf. 48. 148 and 79. 66, 07 with the
notes,280 Gajab'dhu
68.89
39 large quantity of corn1. The Pai^clavapi2 tank which was former-
ly quite small he provided with a solid dam whose height,
length and breadth were enlarged (as compared with former
40 dimensions), and (also) with an immense, high3 weir and with
overflow canals and gave it the name Parakkamasamudda.
41 On the island in the middle of the tank he built on the
summit of a rock a cetiya that showed forth the beauty of
42 the Kelasa mountain4. In its centre he built a royal pleasure
house three storeys high and very beautiful, which was a
43 habitation for a fulness of worldly joys. The reservois Maha-
galla, Setthivapi and Chattunnata, Tabbavapi, as well as
44 Ambavasavapi, GHribavapi, Patala, Maridika, Moravapi, Sadiya-
45 ggamavapi and also Tilagullaka; Malavalli and Kali as well as
Kittakapjaka, Kaijinikaragallavapi and Buddhagamakanijjhara;
46 Sukaraggamavapi and Mahakiralavapi, Giriyavapi, Rakkhamana,
47 Ambala and Eatunnaru; Jallibava, Uttarala and Tintinigama,
48 Dharalavitthikagama, Kirayapi, Nalannaru; Karavitthavilatta,
as well as Udunabaragama, Munaru and Kasalla and Kalala-
49 hallika; Mulavarikavapi and Girisigamuka, Polonnarutala and
50 also Visiratthala5 ? these many tanks and sixteen others in
1 The statement majjhe Jajjaranajjaya is too vague, to allow of
fixing the position of Doradattika with certainty. I think, however,
that it must be looked for above the mouth of the Kumbhilavana-nadi,
If it were below, the canal described in vv. 82 ff. would stand in the
way of a diversion from the right bank. With a diversion from the
left bank however the junction with Sukaranijjhara would cross the
Deduro-oya itself.
2 See note to 60. 50.
3 P. Mhunnata. It is difficult to say what the special meaning of
the word is here,
? 4 By the brilliant white of the coating which reminds one of the
summit of th6 Kaillsa wrapped in eternal snow, This in a mountain
group of over 200CK) ft in height, belonging to the trans-Himalayan
system. The Tibetans call the mountain Kang-rinpotsche and, like the
Hindus, they hold it sacred. Cf. Svm HEDZK, Transhimalaya II. 91 ff.,
1*4 C, ill, 170 ff.
* Mr. CODBIKOTOK had the kindnest to send me by letter (19. 10.1926)
a of identifications established by Mm for vv. 48-49: 1, Haha*
m {em to 443 and 68.84); 2, Vasavapi =68,57
Gqjdbdhu
281
?which the weirs were destroyed1 he whose heart was chained
to pity2, had restored . in his realm. In the Paficayojana
51
District where there were great swamp ponds, he took the
water from there and conducted it to rivers, laid out fields 52
and collected a large quantity of grain. In the wildernesses
there'and at very many other places he determined every- 53
where what was to remain as wilderness3, and assembling all
the village chiefs, he entrusted the inhabitants with the
cultivation (of the remaining country). The discerning (Prince) 54
thereby brought it about that the new fields yielded a tax
which was greater than the old taxes produced in the king-
dom, and at the same time brought it to pass that the in- 55
habitants of the country never more knew fear of famine.
Versed in administration he thought: in my kingdom wherever 56
it may be, there shall not be even a small courtyard without
its roofing of leafage, and had therefore here and there charm- 57
Yaslyava in tlie Magul Otota Korale (near Nikaveratiya); 3. Giriba-
vapi = Giribava in Mi-oyen Egoda Korale (on the left bank of the
Kala-oya); 4. Mamlika = Mediyava in the Pahala Visideke Korale
(north of Malio); 5. Tilagullaka = Talagalie Ela (see note to 58. 48),
in the Katuvana Korale feast of Magnl Otota K,); 6. Kali? = Kaliya-
vadana; a large irrigation work in Pltigal Korale (at Chilav); 7.
Buddhagamakanijjhara? = Butgomu-oya, Yatikaha Korale (20 miles
west of Kurunegala); 8. Sukaraggamavapi? ?= Urapotta, Kiniyama
Korale (left bank of the lower Deduru-oya); 9. Mahakiralavapi =
Mahagirilla, Magul Medagamlahaye Korale East (north of the Magul
Otota K.); 10. Giriyavapi = Galgiriyava, Nikavagarajmhe Korale
(north-east of Maho); 11. A nib a la = Ambale, Magul Medagandahaye
Korale East (see under 9); 12. Tintirugimaka = Siyambalangomuva,
Hatalispaha Korale (between Nikavagampahe K. and Mi-oyen Egoda K.,
a large now abandoned tank north-east of Galgamuva); 13. Eiravapi
= Kiraveva, Yagam Pattu Korale (10 miles E. of Chilav); 14. Kara-
vif4havilatta = Karavita and Yilattava, Pitlgal Korale North (at
Chilav), and Yagam Pattu Korale (see under 13). ? For Moravdpi see
notes to 69. 0, 70. 67.
1 I think we must read natthanfyharavajpiyo instead of natthti wjjhc.
2 Pun on day&b(iddk(tmano and bandhtljM&i.
3 Lit: "determining the wilderness places"; varatthti is a gerund and
stands for -tthtign with a causative meaning. Thus lie separated the
cultivable land from that whicli was incapable of cultivation.282
Gajabalw
68.58
58 ing parks laid out, filled full with numerous species of creepers
and trees which bore fruits and which bore blossoms, and which
offered many delights1 and which were beautified by all kinds
of garden beds2.
59 Aware of the fight method, the Prince so acted that in
consequence of his extraordinary insight his own kingdom
though small, (now) brought to such prosperity, surpassed
another, even a great kingdom.
Here ends the sixty-eighth chapter, called "The Improve-
ment of hi£ own Kingdom", in the Mahavamsa, compiled
for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
1 P. atieka-anubham-ddMre "the foundations of many delights". For
the meaning of anubJiava cf. those of the kindred verb, anu-bhii.
2 P. nan&nuyyanasundare, which I split up into ndnd anuyyana s°;
anuyyana corresponds to uyydna as anudhamma to dhamma and is
used of the smaller secondary garden-like beds in the drama.Gajabahu
283
CHAPTER LXIX
THE COLLECTION OF MILITARY FORCES AND MONEY
"When Parakkamabahu had thus set his whole kingdom in 1
order in the, best possible way, lie pondered over what was
now to be done: "Former foolish kings to whom good direc- 2
tion of affairs of state was unknown, for long injured at
their pleasure people and Order. The ascetics made the 3
Order abandon the teaching and discipline of the Master;
they neglected religious duties and lived according to their
own pleasure. If now I soon unite Lanka under one umbrella, 4
I shall perchance be able to raise up again Order and people.'1
After these reflections he gave orders to officers and district 5
chiefs to put troops and war material in readiness. First of 6
all the Prince summoned to him the official with the title
of King of Malaya who was leader of the Damila army in
the district called Rattakara1, and after he had placed, in 7
readiness many thousands of men, as well as armaments and
weapons, he sent him away to take up his abode there. From 8
the Tabba district, from the Giriba district, from Moravlpi,
from the Mahipala district, and from the Pila¥it|hika district;
from the Buddhaglma district and from tlie district called 9
Ambavana, from the Bodhigamavara district ani from the 10
KaQ$akapetaka* district he summoned the officials of the
1 See note to 68. 23.
2 Of the names mentioned here the following1 are already known:
1) Tabbi in Tabbivapi 68. 4S; 2) Giriba in Giribarapi, cf. note to
68. 49, nr. 8; 3) Moravapi 68. 44; 4) Buddhagama, cf, note to
58. 43; 5) Ambavana, cf. note to 08.85; 6) Bodlilglmavara, cf.
note to 66. 78, It is clear that here we have the enumeration of the
frontier districts of Dakkhinadesa towards Rajarattha from K,W. to S.E,284
G-ajabahu
69.11
frontier guard singly, placed at their disposal many thousands
11 of men, strong mails and divers weapons, such as swords,
javelins, lances and the like and sent each of them to his
12 place to dwell there. At that time Lankamabalana, Sikhana-
18 yaka, Jayaraahalana, Setthinayaka and Mahinda by name ?
these five highly respected men belonging to the Lambakannas1
14 dwelt in the Moriya2 district. He made each one of them
supply a thousand warriors and ordered them to get ready
15 the (necessary) war equipment. In the interior of the country
the King set up twelve district chiefs and allotted to each
16 of them two thousand men. Further he appointed eighty four
officers, men tested by victory, and entrusted to each of them
17 a force of a thousand men. He also raised several thousand
soldiers armed with clubs, tall men and strong, and the (need-
18 ful) war appliances. Of the foreign soldiers, such as the
Keralas and others, who were in his service, he raised several
19 thousand. Of one thousand he made moonlight archers, versed
in night-fighting, and gave them leathern doublets and the like.
20 Many thousand Vyldhas3 too he brought together, (men) who
understood their task and gave them what was fitting for
21 them: spears, drums4 and the like. Of the many work people
The Tabba district accordingly lies in the extreme northwest on the
left bank of the lower Kala-oya probably in Rajavanni-Pattuva. I find
a Mahatabbova marked on the 12-sbeet-map. Moravapi, Mahipala and
Pilavi^thika must be looked for in this order between Giriba and Me-
nikdena. It is clear from 72.163, 170 that Pilavittbi or Pillavitthi
(the two are certainly identical) lay not far from Kaiavapi. Possibly
Kan|akapetaka lay east or northeast of Matale.
1 Of. note to 39. 44
3 Moriya is otherwise (88. 13, 41. 69) a clan name.
3 That wyadha here is a rendering of the Sinh. vaddd seems to me
certain, though this does not prove that the etymological derivation of
the latter from the former is correct.
4 W, separates sattiltalambara into satti-lcala-ambara and translates
"swofiSj black clothes**. That is certainly wrong. We must separate
late $attik&-tilaiRbara. SattikS is the deminutive of satti "spear" = skr.
Oae might alio deriYe ifc from satti "knife" = skr. £astrf, but I
lew,.likely, Alambara is the skr. fidamlara "drum".69.30
GajaMhu 285
the King then ordered each thousarid to perform the work
appropriate to theml. With the wish that people skilled in 22
the art of riding elephants or horses and of handling the
sword, in the use of foreign tongues, in dance and song, in
court service should increase in number, the Sovereign brought 23
up many*of the,sons, brothers and grandchildren of distin-
guished families in his own palace. Of the many groups such 24
as the Churikaggahaka, the Kappuravacjdhaka, the Khuddase-
vaka, the Sihalagandhabba, the Santikavacara and so on2 he 25
supported several thousand of each of them at the royal
court. To the young people among the chamberlains, bar- 26
bers and the like he gave weapons and commanded them
always to acknowledge the eldest among them as their leaders.
Having established through the people who had been the 27
treasurers of his father the King, the state of the finances,
he came to the decision, that with such means it would be 28
impossible to establish a universal dominion in Lanka, and
collected without oppressing the people (further) money in
the following way: The monarch separated finance admini- 29
stratiori and the army from each other and made them over
to two officials who were the chief officials3. The whole 80
realm ruled by him the King divided equally (into two halves)
and appointed a couple of auditors who came in regular ad-
1 Parakkama thus supplies the demand for workers for the army by
recruiting from the castes.
2 It is not possible to determine what various groups (vagyabhedd),
castes or guilds are meant. Taken In order the names singly denote:
1) knife bearers, dagger bearers, 2) camphor producers (cf. acararatjdhaka
"makers of clothing"), 3) little servants, 4) Sihala musicians, 5) comrades
of the immediate entourage.
3 Parakkama must thus have created two chief ministries, a ministry
of War and one for the internal administration, each with a highest
official at the head. For simplification the latter was locally divided
into two parts (v. 30) to which a third was added which embraced in
particular the administration of the mines (? mrattMna, v. 32). It is
clear that the compiler is here describing the system of administration
set up in certain works of the Niti literature. It is of course
that Parakkama himself adopted this system.286
Gajdb&ku 69.31
31 vancement1 (to the office). From the district on the sea coast2,
from the district Eatanakara3, from the great Malaya country
82 and from other districts the Ruler separated all land of
extraordinary value and placed it under an official for whom
33 he created the so-called "Office of the Interior1'4. By ship he
sent off many precious stones, traded with these and so increased
34 the money resources. In charge of the two chief officials he
caused to supply war material and troops of many thousand
35 men, and in that of the three (other) officials also, him of
the office of the Interior and the two heads of provinces, he
36 raised very many troops. To test the military fitness of the
soldiers5 he arranged fights on the street, sifted out the most
37 skilled and granted them high distinction. Those unfitted for
fight he dismissed out of pity: they were to till the fields
and perform other wort and live in peace.
38 Thus versed in right method, he placed in readiness mails
and weapons and skilled troops and without oppressing the
people, he collected with ease large resources in money.
Here ends the sixty-ninth chapter, called "The Collection
of military Forces and Money", in the Mahavamsa, compiled
for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
1 P. "kamagate. I believe that what is meant is tliat these officials,
in order to have the necessary expert knowledge, had to work their
way up through the various grades of service.
2 Here it is probably a case of the strips of coast where pearl fishing
was carried on.
3 I have no doubt that the district meant is that in which the pre-
sent Ratnapura lies (cf. W., note to the passage), and which was ever
and again the "mine of precious stones" (ratan&kara).
4 P. antaraitgadhura. See skr. antarahga.
5 By bhata are meant all people of an age to bear arms.Gajabalin
287
CHAPTER LXX
THE SURRENDER OF THE ROYAL DIGNITY
Hereupon, after Parakkamabahu had surveyed his great 1
army and the abundant stocks in money and corn and his
whole war material, he thought: quite apart from the island 2
of Sihala it would not be difficult to conquer even Jambudipa,
and he set about getting the royal dominion into his power.
Into the great Malaya country1 which was difficult to pene- 8
trate owing to the inaccessibility of the many mountains and
on account of the danger from wild animals, shut off from
intercourse with other men, passable only on footpaths, offer- 4
ing all kinds of perils and dangerous by reason of deep
waters with man-eating crocodiles, in Yatthika^da and Dum- 5
bara2, he summoned Rakkfaa the dandadhinayaka3 of King 6
Gajabahu, and graciously showed him great distinction. He then
gave him the order to take possession of the Malaya country
and make it over to him. When the inhabitants heard of the 7
affair, they agreed that they would kill the general when lie
came to them. At these tidings the general came hither in 8
haste, fought, scattered the enemy in flight and occupied the
* district of Dumbara. Thereupon he continued the fight in S
1 Parakkamabahu goes to work with great deliberation. Before under-
taking the attack on Rajarattlia, he secures his right flank by occupying
the mountain country of Malaya. This is called, as in 69. 31, Malm-
malayadesa.
2 Probably the province of Dum bara (Pata D. and Ucla D.) which
atretches N. E. of Kandy, though possibly its scope was more restricted
in ancient times than now. See below note to v. 14.
3 The title occurs in different forms; also daydantitha (so v, 7, 8j,
dandandyaka (70. 279 etc.). It seems to be of a military character;
danda in probably to be understood as ifcarmy".288
Grajabahu 70,10
YattMkanda and seized the head of the chief there, after he
10 had beaten the foe. At the village of Talakkhetta he twice
offered battle and he likewise fought two combats at Naga-
11 pabbata1. Also at the village Suva^ijado^i2 by name, at
Ramucchuvallika and at Deinatthapadatthali he delivered at
12 each in turn an action, and after all the enemy inhabiting
the different places were subjugated he took possession of the
13 Yatthika^cla district with strong forces. After leaving there his
younger brother behind with the army, he betook himself to
S14 the King to consider what was to be done. The soldiers at
the head of whom was his brother, now marched forth and
after a fight with the enemy, seized the district called Nl-
15 lagallaka3. The general returned and after he had successi-
vely delivered battle at Sayakhettaka, at Rattabeduma and at
16 Dhanuvillika* and had slain the foe, he made the conquered
17 district Nilagallaka into a safe possession. Hereupon he twice
offered action against the powerful Otturamallaka the chief
18 of Dhanuma^dala, and after conquering the Nissenikkhettaka
district and clearing it of the briers (of the foe), he brought
19 Otturlmallaka and Ms people into his power. Thereupon the
King summoned the general Rakkha to him and conferred
on him the dignity of a Kesadhatu5 and great distinction.
1 The place mentioned here has nothing to do with .the Nakapawata
vihara mentioned in the Tammanakanda inscription (E. M&LLEB AIC.,
Ho. 55).
2 Corresponds probably to a modern Randeniya. The Census of 1921
mentions five localities of this name; but the position of none of them
fits our Suvannadoni.
3 A Nil gala lies in Udasiya Pattn North in Dumbara (thus OODBIKG-
TOK), that is in the mountains north of Teldeniya, If the indentification
is right, then the engagements described in vv. 8 ffl must have taken
place in a comparatively restricted area in the region N. E. of Kandy.
The Barnes in vv. 8 and 0 do not occur again. Ramucchuvallika (v. II)
might be meant for Bambukvela in Gampaha Koraie West, 7 miles east
of Teldeniya (c£ W. note to passage).
4 A Dunn vi la lies about five miles S. E. of Teldeniya, only just
o?er two miles south of the spot where the last king1 of Ceylon was
captured. Thus also COBRIICSTOM.
s Cf, the note to 57, 65, The Order of the Kesadhatu was not founded
for the int aow» as one might assume from the note in W's
II already at the time of "Vijayabihiu I.70.31
Gajcibahu
289
The King sent him-forth to take the district of Majjhima- 20
vagga1. He betook himself to Nilaglri* and after he had
armed his troops there, the mighty one fought in the pro- 21
vince Vapivataka by name and in Majjhimavagga and won
the victory. When the Lord of men Gajabahu heard of these 22
events, he sent out a great army to fight him. At news of 23
this the Kesadhatu, who had with him a correspondingly
strong army and train, scattered the enemy forces and oc-
cupied Hajjhimavagga. Lokajityana by name and the Lan- 24
kadhinayaka Rakkha3, the lion-hearted ones, armed a division,
marched forth and fought the Lankanatha Hukitti; they de- 25
feated him and brought the district called Berupallika into
their power. In Kosavagga the King brought Saznantamalla 26
by name by amicable means under his influence and showed
him great honour; he then sent him war material and a big 27
army and charged him to seize Kosavagga. Samantamallaka 28
by name, Qtturlmallaka and his people fought with the
hostile army and slew many in the battle. After they had 29
fought a great battle at the place called Sisacchinnakabodhi,
the mighty ones got hold of the Kosavagga district4.
When lie had thus made peaceful the province of Malaya 30
where owing1 to its inhabitants there had been, no peace, he
dwelt at ease in his town and passed the time with games 31
1 Contrary to all the MS8. the Col. Ed. reads rajarattham Instead
of rfijd ntitham. Accordingly W. translates "sent him to the king's
country to tak& the district of Majjhima-vaggaka". That is wrong. The
scene Is not yet Rajara^tha but Malaya. Majjhimavagga is Identified
by Coi«iNGTON with. Medivaka In Gampaha Korale, Dumbara.
2 Nilagiri is probably identical with the Nilagallaka mentioned above.
It Is now the base for further operations.
3 Lanktidhin&ya'ka (variants lank&nMfia, ex. 70. 25, or lankaflhinatlia,
ex. 70. 2S2) Is again a title which occurs frequently in
jnst this
ptiriccheda. The Laiikadhinayaka Rakkha is of course different from
the DawIadMaayaka ("general") Rakkha, now Kesadhatu Rakkha. The
two are mentioned together 70. 282, 283. Cf. also note to 70. 278.
4 We mast very likely assume that the military engagements described
from r. 20 onwards, took place north of the Dumbara district, s0 that
PitrakkaitMi'a troops worked their way gradually to the
frontier of
19290 Grajabahu
70.32
in the garden and in the water, with dance and song and
32 the like, fulfilling the duties of a king, and for the sake of
the exertions1 for the subjugation of hostile kings and for
defeat of rebels, the Euler was wont to follow the chase.
33 Now one day the King together with the chief Mahesf, with
34 ministers and retainers went hunting. When then the So-
vereign beheld a big forest that had signs of being inhabited
by game, he made the Mahesi take her stand on the one
35 side and then had the whole forest surrounded by hunters
with spears in their hands and nets and caused them to make
36 a noise here and there. Now when an elk bull2 large as an
elephant calf, heard the frightful noise, he broke out of the
37 forest thicket. Glancing in all sides, he roused by fear came
running thence, plunging down the mountain slopes, leaping
38 mountain gorges, cracking the tree branches, dragging cree-
pers after it like a net, trampling down the brushwood in
39 the forest, tearing asunder the outspread net, killing everyone
he met or putting them to flight ? thus he dashed straight
at the Mahesi with the fury and the swiftness of the storm.
40 Everybody who beheld him rushing onwards fled on all sides,
overcome by fright, and left the Mahesi and the King in the
41 lurch. When the King beheld the fearful stag approaching he
ran towards him with terrible courage and hit him with hurled
42 spear. Wounded by him, the stag lowered its head3 to slay
the King, but shedding both its antlers, flung itself at his
43 feet. The ministers, the hunters, the chamberlains, the bar-
bers and the others hearing the cry that the animal gave
44 forth after receiving its severe wound4, turning back, came
1 In order to be capable of those exertions* I do not think that
is in a parallel position to the two nisedhattham as W.
but that these latter are dependent on the former.
3 P. Sink gon&, Busa Aristotelis, the Sambar, living
in India and Ceylon.
3 Lit,: When by Mm (the stag), that bad received the (spear) wound
the wa« lowered to kill Mm (the King), he fell..."
4 ladikS pahdraty Jtam^am. I have changed only
tilt kit into "plaintive, pitiful". The gerund is
subject
to tta The Col. Id. lias laddlid pah&rakaraQa, which
ecastireetlon nor clear sanse»70.58
Gajabtitw 291
together from all sides. When they beheld the two antlers
and the lion-hearted Euler they were full of astonishment 45
and overjoyed and happy, they filled the whole forest with
the clamour of their loud praises. Ever and anon praising 46
the extraordinary bravery of the King, his great good for-
tune, his heroism and his manly courage, they took the 47
antlers and surrounding the King, entered the town which
was adorned like the city of the gods, told the great digni- 48
taries of the astonishing events and showed all of them the
jj>
two antlers. When the high officials heard of the miracle, they 49
came together and spake with one another with astonishment
about the extraordinary occurrence: "Were this man with his 50
majesty born in Jambudipa, he would become without doubt
a world-ruling king". With these and words of like praise 51
they lauded his inflexible courage hard to surpass, and placed 52
the two antlers, having had an inscription put on them, in
the treasure house where they are to this day,
I
When hereupon the Lord of men (Parakkamabahu) heard 58 I
that the Ruler Gajabahu had fetched nobles of heretical faith
from abroad and had thus filled Rajarat^ha with the briers 54
(of heresy), wrath seized his soul and he thought: though people
of my kind are there, possessing insight, virtue, miraculous power 55
and extraordinary courage, he has nevertheless acted thus ? and
he commanded his generals to take possession also of Rljarattha1.
With careful consideration of the works profitable for the 56
carrying on of war, such as the text book of Kotalla2, the
Yuddhawava8 and others he, versed in the procedure of war, 57
worked out with ingenuity in a way according with the
locality and the time, the plan of campaign4, wrote it down,
had it handed out to the officers and gave the order: "Doubt 58
not that ye do a thing of great moment, if ye do but swerve
1 In the same way as they had already conquered Malaya.
2 For Kotalla = skr. Kautalya see note to 64. 3.
3 I do not know a work with this title. Chapters 128?125 of the
Agnlparaija are however called Yuddhajayarnava. AUFRECHT, Catalogus
Catalogoram, p. 219.
4 P. yuddkop&yam. For updya cf. note to 58. 8.
IS*292 GajaMhu
70.59
59 by a hair's breadth from this my instruction". They all
received the words of the King with bowed head and went
forth with large forces to open the campaign,
60 The Lord of men Gajabahu had as chief of the umbrella
bearers Komba, equipped with an army and experienced in
61 war. The latter had built a very strong fortress at the vil-
lage of Mallavalana1 for defence against the foe and had long
62 had his dwelling there. The Malayarayara who held the
stronghold Valikakhetta8, fought with him, put him to flight
63 and took his fortress. Then the hero marched thence at the
head of a strong force and came by ship on the water to
64 Muttakara3. The mighty one fought a great battle in the
middle of the sea against the general there, in which the
65 enemy troops were scattered. He then fought even a second
bitter action at the selfsame spot and sent many thousands
66 (of the foe) to (the god of death) Yama. The forces also of
the Chief of the Kesadhatus, called Tamba, and other troops
67 destroyed the foe at (the place) Malavalliya by name, and the
officer in Moravapi, Nllagallaka by name, came to Katiyagama
and slew great 'numbers of the enemy4.
68 In the village of Ealavapi Gajabahu had the general known
69 by the name of ISTagaragiri Goka^a5 stationed. He was
1 The operations begin on the extreme left wing of Parakkamabahu
who evidently intends to cut off Rajarattha from the sea. Mallavalana
should therefore be looked for not far from the coast, somewhere about
the mouth of the Kala-oya.
2 Malayarayara is a variant of Malayaraja (cf. note to 41. 35). Va-
Hkakhetta is identified by COURINGTON (I. 71) with "Vellavela in Anai-
vilundan Pattuva near Battulu Oya". There is no Yellavela in the list of
places in the Census of 1921.
** "Pearl mine". What is meant are probably the pearl banks stret-
ching from the south of Mannar to near Portugal Bay.
4 These fights take place, since Kalavapi is mentioned in the sequel,
west of this lake, about the Mi Oyen Egoda Korale. But the Mora-
gasveva situated here can scarcely be identified with the Moravapi
named in v. 67, Moravapi is also mentioned in 69. 8 and 70. 67, 72.177
(see the note).
5 For Gokanua see above note to 66. 35.70.83
Gqjabahu. 293
gifted with high heroic virtues, in possession of a fitting
army and train, skilled in war, a loyal and devoted adviser
of Ms Lord. The general Eakkhadivana of the Lord of men 70
Parakkama vanquished him in battle at the place Gro^agamuka.
The officer Gokan^a grown las through his defeat, after equipping 71
an army again suffered defeats at the fortress of Pilavitthika
and at the fortress called Kasallaka, at.Tatavapika, at Jambukola, 72
at Vajiravapi, at Nandivapi, at Pallikavapi and at Kalalahallika, 73
after he had on each occasion offered battle1. Then he thought:
"My. army that was formerly victorious even in battle with 74
the King2, has now when it is double as strong, fighting
with two or three officers of Parakkamabahu at the border 75
of the kingdom, each time suffered defeat, and the leaders
of the troops have fallen: now it is no longer capable of 76
fighting", and he sent a report of all that had happened to
Q-ajabahu. When the Ruler Gajabahu heard all this, he took 77
counsel with his ministers and spake as follows: "Never for- 78
merly have we heard that we were defeated; now we have
suffered a defeat and that was a great injury for us. Even 79
he who among my dignitaries was of special power and
courage, has been vanquished several times in battle. Were 80
another misfortune to overtake him that would not be good
for me". Having thus taken counsel "with his ministers, he
made ready abundant money, troops and troop leaders, as 81
also divers weapons and impenetrable armour and sent these
off to Goka$$a. The general Gokawa now made the army 82
sent by the king, his own former army as well as the army
of the inhabitants of the country3 in all haste ready for 83:
1 The localities named in 70 to 73 most all be situated southwest
or south of the Kalaveva, G o 11 aga m u ka probably farthest away (? Gona-
gaina in the Gantihe Korale south of Galgamuva). For Piluritthika
see note to 69. 10). Jambukola is probably Dambul, though COURINGTON
inclines to identify It with Dambagolla in Gangala Paleslya Pattuva, west
of Elahera. The names Kasalla and Kalalahallika are met with
also in 68. 48 among-st the tanks restored by Parakkamabahu in DakkMna-
cleaa.
2 Of. the defeat of Kittisiriinegha by Gokappa in 63. 84.
3 The militia in contrast to the regular, standing army.294
Gajabalm 70.84
battle, advanced again to Nflagala1 and fought a great battle
84 with the general Majageha. In this action many of Ms
people fell or flung away their weapons and fled into the
85 wilderness. It went so far that one was forced to say that
nobody had escaped2. He himself also left chariot and um-
86 brella in the lurch and fled into the forest. From now he
gave up the idea of fighting and stayed in Kalavapi after
building a strong fortification there.
87 Thereupon the officers stationed in the Suraambavana3
district pressed forward to Janapada and cut down the ho-
88 stile army. The troop leaders who had been sent to the pro-
vince of Bodhigamavara entered Lankagiri* and destroyed
the foe there.
89 The troop leaders at the head of whom stood the Na-
garagiri Mahinda, were sent again by Parakkama to the
90 district of Mallavajana to fight5. He marched thither, drove
back the mighty enemy, penetrated the province, conquered
1 This is verj probably the Nilagailaka mentioned earlier (70.14
with note) or Nllagiri (70. 20) in Dumbara. Thus Grokanna, successful
perhaps at the outset, had penetrated far to the south into the districts
of Malaya which Parakkama's soldiers had already occupied (hence
jpuna!), before he suffered Ms decisive defeat,
2 Lit.: "there were none of sueh '(n'attM) who had gone after they
had freed themselves". Muecitvana gat a is a periphrastic formation
akin to analogous Sinhalese expressions. Of, Sink pala-yanavd, prt.
palagiya.
3 Suraambavana is manifestly a part of Asnbavana, name of the
region of the Ambanganga (see above -note to 66. 85). Parakkama's
officers thus press forward, pursuing the beaten enemy
northwards
through Ambavana Korale to Vagapanaha Udasiya Pattuva (= Janapada,
note to 66. 110).
4 For Bodhigamavara see note to 66. 78, for Laiikagiri now
Laggala, east of Vagapanaha, note to 66, 80, CODBIWGTOH, L 71.
5 According to 70. 60 £, Mallavalana had already been taken earlier
by the Malayarayara, There, must have been a reverse in the Interval
in which the territory gained was again lost. As to this failure the
chronicle is silent, Now after the victorious advance of the ? right wing
the operations on the extreme left wing are begun again in the former
way (see note to 70. 61).70.100
Gajabahu 295
it and brought it into safe possession. Prom there they all 91
started off, gave battle at sea with many hundreds of ships
and after seizing the general stationed there and (the Nor- 92
thern Province) Uttararattha1, they sent the pearls found
there to their Lord. Thereupon the Monarch had a fortress 93
built at the place called Pilavasu and made the troops take
up their abode there.
When the Lord of men Gajabahu heard of these events, 94
he took counsel with his ministers and set about sending out
troops. When Parakkamabahu who well understood the (right) 95
method, learned thereof, he sent the Lankanatha (Rakkha)2
<|
to the district called Janapada. At the tidings of this action 96
the Lord of men Gajabahu gathered his army together,
divided his forces and sent in two directions an army equipp- 97
ed with armour and weapons ? to the locality Janapada and
to the fortress called Pilavasu. The Lankadhinatha Eakkha 98
advanced thereupon at the head of a strong force for the
destruction of the hostile army, to Ambavana3 and after cut- 99
ting up in battle many foes at the village called Bubbula4,
he put the army of the enemy to flight. The inhabitants of 100
|
the country now made the roads difficult of access by hewn
1 The MSS. are without doubt corrupt. But I cannot accept the
reading of the Col. Ed. tatrattham dandanatham tarn mutta rattham
balam pi ca. It is too violent and arbitrary. I would far rather read
with slight alteration, tatrattham dandanatham ca (? thanca, which differs
slightly from the -thdba- of the MSS.) rattham tdm Uttaram pi ca.
Parakkama wants above all to get hold of Uttararatfba, the province
north of Anuradhapura, In order to cut off Eajarattha completely. Still
better perhaps would be the emendation rattham Muttakaram pi ca
especially in consideration of 70. 63. The translation would then run:
"and after they had seized the general stationed there and the province
of Muttakara".
2 >See 70. 24 with the note.
3 As according to 70. 87 Ambavana lies further south than Janapada,
It must be assumed that Parakkama's troops who had already advanced
to Janapada, had at first retired southwards, till Rakkha restored the
balance,
4 Evidently Bib I la In Vagapanaha Udaslya Pattuva, Matale North
(Census of 0. 1921, II, p. 102; H. W. CaDBarorox L 71).296
Gajabalm 70.101
101 down and felled trees and by thorny creepers and posted in
ambush on the road, continued the fight. The Lankanatha
10.2 determined to annihilate the foe, pursued them in every
direction, broke even through the stockades and pushed for-
ward delivering big engagements at divers places, to Janapada.
103 After taking Janapada he following instructions of Parakkama-
bahu, built an entrenchment and took up his abode there.
104 Thereupon King Gfajabahu sent the Lankadhinayaka Deva and
105 Dathabhara by name to withstand him. The Lankadhinatha
(Rakkha) thereupon delivered a great battle, defeated them
106 and took Yagalla. The Lord of men Grajabahu sent to the
Alisara1 district the so-called four companies2 to renew the
107 combat. The Lankanatha (Kakklia) likewise marched forth,
fought with them, captured several, alive and occupied Ta-
108 latthala3. King Grajabahu sought now by a kindly gift to
bring him under his influence and sent him abundant pre-
109 sents, such as costly ornaments of jewels and divers garments
110 of linen, silk and other stuffs as an offering. The general
accepted the gifts, mutilated the envoys and sent presents
111 and messengers to his Lord, When the King (Parakkama)
saw that, he rejoiced greatly and sent him back the whole
112 treasure and costly gifts-(in addition). The general now left
the fortress of Talattfaala and took up a position in the
113 stronghold of Aligama4 at the side of the river. Thereupon
Gajabahu sent the general Sika and other skilful warriors
114 with great forces to fight once more with him. They all set
forth equipped with troops and train, surrounded the fortress
1 The name is preserved in the modern Elahera on the left bank
of the Ambang-ang'a in Gangala Pallesiya Pattu?a (Census of C. 1921, II.
102).
2 P. cata$»o parish, evidently the name of a particular troop which
perhaps had its headquarters in the Ajisara district or was recruited
from the able-bodied inhabitants of thii district.
3 Now TaZagoda (CQBRITOTON), somewhat above Elahera and also
situated on the left bank of the Ambanganga,
4 H. W. CODBIKGTOH compares this with the modern EJagamnva which
lies slightly above Talagoda but on the right bank of the Ambanganga.
The Census of 1921 names both villages together In Gartgala Pallesiya70.
127
G-ajabahu
297
(Aligama) and rained down a hail of arrows. Several warriors 115
of the Lankadhinatha well armed, took up their position at
the gate and began a terrific fight. The archers and other 116
combatants standing on the turrets of the gate, slew numbers
of the foe with arrows, spears and javelins. In this way they 117
all carried on without interruption for three days a violent
combat with great endurance and great strength. The troops 118
of King Gajabahu determined above everything on the de-
struction of the foe, set about blowing up the main gates of
the fortress. Thereupon the Lankadhinatha and his warriors 119
burst forth and cut down the enemy in combat as far as
the opposite bank of the river1. They made the water of 120
the river muddy with the blood of the foe and captured
many troop leaders alive. After gaining the victory in the 121
battle, the Lankadhinatha Rakkha celebrated a great festival
of victory in the castle, but the heads of the hostile officers, 122
the umbrellas, chariots and weapons and the captives caught
alive he sent to his Lord.
Hereupon the Sovereign (Parakkamabahu) summoned to 123
him the Senapati Deva, told him all that the Lankadhinatha
Kakkha had accomplished, and with the reflection that (Ja- 124
jabahu at the tidings of the defeat of his troops, would cer-
tainly send forth a great force to seize the general (Rakkha),
he sent the far-famed army leader to the Giriba district2 to 125
cut off the great force of the Lord of men Gajabahu. The 126
shrewd (Deva) set out, having put his whole army into
fighting trim and while occupying an entrenchment which
»he had raised on the bank of the Kalavapi river3, he at the 127
1 The Ambanganga flows at Elagamuva from S.W. to N. E. It must
be assumed that Rakkha Iiad abandoned Taiatthall and that the enemy
are advancing by Talatthali = Talagoda to their new position at
Elagamuva. To do this they must cross the river and are now driven
back over it. Of. below vv. 178 if.
3 Of. note to 68. 49 (nr. 3) and 69. 8. Thus the expected pressure
on the right wing is to be relieved by an attack on the left flank.
8 This is the Kala-oya, since the Kalavapi tank is formed by the
clamming up of this river.298
Gaiabcihu 70.128
instruction of the King, threw a long, very fine, and very
solid bridge across the river of the Kalavapi tank, passable
128 by files of elephants, horses and chariots1, held together with
iron bands and nails, made of beams of timber and twenty
129 cubits2 broad. After leaving certain officers there, the Se-
napati marched off and while delivering here and there heavy
130 engagements in which he remained victorious, he reached a
place named Angamu3, built an entrenchment for fighting
131 with the hostile army, and took up a position there. At the
tidings thereof the opposing army erected an impregnable for-
tification at Senagama to ward off the Senapati and took up
132 a position there. The illustrious Senapati now marched thither,
fought with the hostile army and captured the fortification
133 in Senagama. After the enemy had fought twice over and
suffered defeat, they built a fortification in Manyagama and
134 took up a position there. Thereupon the Senapati marched
thither and took the fortress of Many!; likewise a stronghold
135 in Mita and the fortress SuHragama. He had new earth-
works laid down in all these fortifications and leaving none
136 of them unoccupied, he placed commanders (in them). The
Senapati having built a stronghold at Terigama, made of-
ficers known as capable warriors take up their position there
137 with troops. King Grajabahu now sent his officer, the Nilagiri
1 The Col. Ed. lias haUJmssaratnapattlki and W. translates therefore:
"by elephants, and horses and chariots, and footmen". According to my
MSS. I have felt obliged to read -panttM.
2 The MSS. have in pada b c ctaruhi ayatam mmtlhatthamtthatam.
Thus three syllables are missing. I have added a "karitam to d&ruht,
for Jcdresi seemed to me too far away to be joined with the instr. The
Col. Ed. puts dyattain in pada b and gives as length cfcisotofA in c.
Here again one would have to supplement a hattfaa from the following
compound. Twenty cubits are nearly = SO feet.
3 The name Is preserved In that of the Ambagomnva tank which
lies a little over 2*/s miles to the north of the Kala-oya. The distance
of Giriba from the southern bank is the same. The river Is particularly
narrow at the part between the two places and therefore probably easy
to cross.I
70.148 aajabahu
299
Bama1 and numerous troop leaders3 to destroy him. They 138
set forth all well armed with army and train and occupied
an armed camp not far from Terigama. From early morning 139
f
the two armies began the battle with vehemence and con-
|
tinned it until evening. Now when the Nilagiri and his
140
warriors, who were acknowledged to be brave, saw their troops
yielding, they armed with their weapons, striking down the best 141
soldiers, spreading panic amongst the foe, flung themselves
into the midst of the army like lions amid a herd of elephants.
But the warriors of the Senapati (Deva) did not flinch in fight, 142
but surrounding the Nilagiri Rama and the many troop leaders
on all sides, they slew them on the battlefield and captured 143
i
the chief warrior Kadakkucla and other fighters alive. The 144
Senapati who had gained the victory in this battle, sent those
captured alive to his Lord.
Parakkamabahu who was staying3 quietly in the neigh- 145
bourhood of the scene of heroic deeds now summoned in his
shrewd way, the Nagaragiri Mahinda who was in his vicinity 146
and told him of the extraordinary courage of those digni-
taries4. When the latter heard that, his ambition awoke 147
within him and with the words: I will set forth and take it,
he pledged himself to take Anuradhapura shortly. With strong 148
forces the foe-crusher set forth and delivered a great battle
1 Here we must probably take nllagiri as a title similar to nagara-
gvri (see note to 66. 35), lankagin (see note to 72. 27) and Idkagaila (see
note to 72. 222). The word hewever, occurs only in connection with
Rama and specially noticeable is the Edmanamo Ntlagiritthito in 72,12.
Cf. the note to this passage.
2 P. balapamoMhe. These are the yodha of v. 140 and 143 c d, the
balanatM of v. 143 a. It seems to me that the leaders of the local
militia troops are meant.
3 The CoL Ed. quite unnecessarily alters nivasanto into niv3$&ttham.
Then 145 a b would have to be joined to the preceding, and W. trans-
lates accordingly "sent the man whom he had taken alive to live in
comfort with his master (Parakkama)". Now that is as regards content
in the highest degree unlikely. S. and B. have not recognised that
parakleammawikafamhi in a b contains a pun on parakJcametbhtyo in c.
4 Of Eakkha and Deva.300 Gajabahu
70.149
149 at the place called Badanbhatikamana. Then when the il-
lustrious one had fought a great action at the village of the
150 name of Siyamahantakuddala and near tlie Tissavapi reservoir
not far from Anuradhapura, he surrounded by the multitude
151 of his troops, entered Anuradhapura1. When the Lord of
men Qajabahu heard of these events, he sent off several troop
152 leaders accompanied by the highest dignitaries. They all armed
for combat, raised a barricade round the town and cut off
153 access to the road. Now when the Senapati Deva heard of
these events, in order to relieve the general besieged in the
154 town, he set off in haste, delivered battle again at the village
of Siyamahantakuddala and fought on the way three terrible
155 battles. The Malayarayara at the tidings thereof left his
stronghold2 and came hither after twice fighting a battle on
156 the way. At the instruction of the Senapati, he marched in
the same direction3 and fought with the hostile army not far
157 from Anuradhapura. The Senapati also fought here and there
a sharp action, pressed forward to the vicinity of Anuradha-
158 pura and opened the combat here. At news of this the general
Mahinda with strong forces suddenly made a sortie out of
.159 glorious Anuradhapura and overthrowing the foe and storming
many barricades on the way, he quickly reached the Senapati.
160 United the army of the Senapati and the army of Mahinda
fought with the hostile army and once more put it to flight..
161 The Senapati returned to Siyamahantakuddala, set up a strong,
entrenched camp and took up'a position here4.
1 Anuradhapura was probably also the objective of Deva's advance
from the S. W. As Parakkamababn's headquarters must have been nearer
to the centre of the whole theatre of operations It may be assumed
that Mahinda was advancing on the town from the south, more or less
on the line Galgamuva-Talava.
2 He was stationed according to 70. 62?65, In the north-west, in
Muttakara, at the extreme left wing,
3 P. ekamukhena (for the meaning of miiKha in such a connection
see 70. 217), I. e. with the same goal as the SenapatL
4 For judging the military situation it Is of importance that though
Gajabahu has won back AnuridJhaptirat the threat to this town
therefore to his right flank from the Senapati Deva continues*70. 172
Gajdbahu
3.01
Parakkamabahu now summoned the chief Mayageha to 162
him and ordered him to cany on the war in Alisara. Full 163
of joy the latter marched, accompanied by skilled warriors,
built a fortification in Kalalahallika and took up a position
there. At the stronghold of Nandamulakagama he fought 164
three actions and brought this castle into his power. Marching
on Alisara, he captured the entrenchment at Kadduragama 165
and after fighting once again, he then took also the fortification
at the place called Kirati1. The army of the Lord of men 166
Gajabahu came hither to fight, and after throwing up an
entrenchment at a place named Vilana, it halted here. Now 167
when Parakkamabahu of valour hard to overcome, after
occupying an entrenched camp at Nalanda2, during his sojourn
there, heard of this, he sent off secretly two or three hundred 168
thieves practised in house-breaking3 and directed them to steal 169
up to the entrenchment with sharp antelope horns in the
middle of the night and to undermine it and so to take it.
The chief Mayageha following this instruction, had the en- 170
trenchment broken into and the enemy there seized. At the 171
village of Mattikavapi he again captured an entrenchment,
and at Uddkakuramgama and Adhokuramgama he likewise cap-
tured two fortifications. After breaking through and taking 172
an entrenchment at the village called Nashma, he brought
the district of Alisara into his power.
1 As the situation of Kalalahallika cannot be exactly determined,
it can only be said generally of Mayageha's advance against Alisara =
Elahera, that it apparently took place from the west, while Rakkha
threatened it from the south. "The mention of Nalanda in v. 167 agrees
with this. 3EL W. COBRINGTON (I. 72) is inclined to see in Kirati a slip
of the pen for Sirati = Hirati, the name of a small river that flows
from the left into the Ambanganga at Maluveyaya below Talagoda.
The place Sirati woold then probably have to be looked for far up that
river.
2 Halfway between Matale and Dainbiil.
3 P. samdhibheda. The phrase samdhiin chindati means "to carry
oat a burglary". D.I. 52-'j; M.I. 516*1 II. 88*; sawdhicckedana DhCo.
IV, 345. Likewise in Pkr., JACOIJI, Erzithlungen in Mahftrashtn, p.
679?33,
74 '^ &302 GajaMhu
70.173
178 Now about tins time the King (Parakkama), acquainted
with the right method, gare his officers the order to take
174 Pulatthinagara at once. The Lankadhinatha Eakkha and the
Jivitapotthakin1 Sukha marched in haste from the Talakatthali2
175 entrenchment, fought actions at several places on the way
with the hostile army and fought a battle at the place Ra-
176 jakamatasambadha. Then after fighting in the region of
Milanakkhetta and setting forth from there, fighting in the
177 open field and slaying many of the enemy, they in pursuit
of the foe, reached Daraaga, delivered there also an action
178 in which they remained victorious, advanced then thence to
Mangalabegama3, broke through the entrenchment here by
force and after annihilating the enemy, halted at this en-
trenchment.
179 The ruler of Roha^a, the Prince Manabhara^a4, who had
on several occasions fought with the officers of the Lord of
ISO men Gajabahu and suffered defeats and losses, had at that
time given up the idea of war and discouraged in heart, kept
1B1 quiet. He had appeared in company with the bhikkhu order
which dwelt in the three fraternities5, and entered into
182 an alliance6 with Gajabihu. But now when he heard
that the officers of the Monarch Parakkama had waged war
1 The title occurs again 70. 318 and 72. 161 (Mandin) and 74. 90
(Kitti). In our passage all MSS. (and also Col. Ed.) have °puttUMt
likewise 70. 318.
2 Rakkha had evidently after his victory at Aligama (see above
w. 112 ff.) again occupied TaJatthall {= Talagoda) and had halted here
to await the operations of Mayageha. Their successful issue has safe-
guarded Rakkha's left flank and made possible the main thrust against
Pulatthinagara.
3 For this place which is mentioned as the first station in the
description of Parakkamabihu's withdrawal from .Pulatthinagara see
note to 67. 53. Rakkha is now only about 10 or 15 miles from the
capital.
4 Son of Sirivallabha and cousin of Parakkanmbafau. '
'??
5 See note to 60. 56.
6 P. kartiasafydhano, lit.: "he lived with G. as one who had
. concluded a friendlj treaty with him".70.199
Grajabahu 303
with great forces against the Lord of men Grajabahu and had 183
in every battle cut down the enemy and carried off the victory,
the Prince Manabharana reflected thus: "Assuredly King 184
Parakkamabahu who has vast resources at his disposal, will
shortly take Rajarattha; but once Rajarattha is taken possession 185
of by the Monarch, it will be impossible to remain in the
province of Rohaija." He therefore gave up his treaty with 186
King Gajabahu and joined Parakkamabahu with whom he con-
cluded an alliance. The mighty one armed the able-bodied men 187
amongst the inhabitants of his two provinces and occupied an
entrenched camp at the village called Sobara.
At this time the King Parakkamabahu, who wished to 188
perform a deed of exceeding prowess, thought thus: "Without 189
my officers who are stationed at divers places, learning of it,
I shall betake myself with warriors of my immediate retinue1,
to Pulatthinagara, storm in combat gateway, turrets and bas- 190
tions, force my way into the town and ? hurrah ? capture
Gajabahu." The clever one summoned to him the chief Maya- 191
geha who was stationed in Ambavana and told him what he
had planned. Now in order to come to Ambavana under the 192
pretext of another object and to reach Pulatthinagara from
there, he spake secretly to him thus: "Send me a message to 193
this effect: I intend celebrating a specially splendid festival
for the Buddha. For making offerings unto the Buddha let
Their Lordships send me the sacrificial objects, the shells, 194
the five loud-sounding musical instruments, the fly whisks,
\
the white umbrella and the flag streamers, and come thither 195
;<
and behold my festival.11 Mayageha betook himself to Amba- 196
I
van a and after he had prepared for the festival, sent back the
message in obedience to these words. When the glorious 197
King beheld it, he rejoiced and after having had the message
read aloud to the circle of his dignitaries, he sent off the 198
sacrificial implements with all speed to Mlyageha and gave his
dignitaries to understand in every way that he himself meant
to go. The highest (of the officials) who saw through the 199
1 For s&havdddkita see note to 67, 52,304
Gfajabdhu -70.200
King's intention, sent word to his brother, the Nagaragiri
200 (Mahinda), When the latter heard of the affair, he left Mora-
vapi1 and appeared in haste with his troops before the Euler.
201 To the question why he had come, he made reply that he
had come because he had seen through the intention of his
202 Lord, and he spake further: "For slaves such as I am, if they
are in existence, the aim is solely the conquest of the hostile
203 king. Therefore have I arisen and shall capture Gajabahu
204 with army and train and deliver him up to the Lord." With
these words the King's officer craved permission to depart.
205 When the ambitious chief Mayageha, the Lankadhinatha Kitti
and many other powerful officers saw this they (likewise)
206 besought leave and cried: I first, I first. Thereupon the Mo-
narch who was. skilled ? in plans of war, explained his plan of
207 action and sent off his officers to begin the campaign. They
all began to march with adequate'2 army and train and occu-
208 pied an entrenched camp not far from Nalanda. Heavy clouds3
formed and began to rain, cleaving the earth, as it were, on
209 every side with the floods of water. When the Sovereign saw
the clouds, he who loved the power of truth, fearing the army
might become wet through, made the solemn declaration4 with
210 this determination: "If the winning of'the royal dominion is
to serve only for the welfare of the people and of the Order,
then shall the god not let it rain." And even so it happened
211 there. , Thereupon he sent food prepared in vinegar, bananas,
crushed rice and the like and all kinds of cakes in great
212 quantities (to the troops). In order that many people could
1 Mahinda had thus taken up his position here after being relieved
by Deva. For the situation of the lake see notes to 70. 67, 72. 177.
- I take yo(j«}a to be the adjective "fitting*, corresponding". W. on
the other hand, regards it as substantive with the meaning "conveyance,
carriage", since he translates "with their chariots and men and waggons".
But In this case it seems to me that yngga and rfihanti would form a
barely tolerable tautology. See also above v. 23, 69 £c,
3 In my edition 1 have kept more closely to the MSS. Now I should
prefer fro adopt the emendation of the Col. Eel mah&mcgho, as other-
wise there is no suitable subject to ruxitum drabhL
4 P. saccakiriyd. For this term see Mhv& iral. p. 125, n. 8.70.222
Gajabahu
305
drink water at the same time, lie sent several thousand bamboo
staves in which holes had been made, which were hollow1 213
throughout and in which one, after filling them with water,
had closed the holes2. The dignitary Mahinda now marched 214
with strong forces and took the stronghold at the place called
Lahulla, after slaying the enemy. At the news of this the 215
Lankanatha (Kitti3) also started in haste, took the fort at the
place called Hattanna and cut down the foe. When the chief 216
Mayageha heard that he marched in haste with large forces
and pushed forward as far as Kha^digama. The four-membered 217
army4 of the Lord of men Gajabahu was hemmed in on three
sides in the narrow pass of Kha$(Jigama. The son of the 218
Lankadhinatha (Kitti), Lankapura5 by name, a great war hero,
came to the Klia^idigama pass6. He brought the whole of 219
J
the forces which had come from three directions into one
I
direction and pursued them, the great war hero, as a lion a
herd of elephants. Thereupon the troop leaders with the 220
Lankadhinatha (Kitti) at the head, after killing a great mass
of troops of the Lord of men Gajabahu, advanced to the place 221
called Koddhangulikakedara. The troops of Gajabahu reached
Pulatthinagara in disorder.
When the Lord of men Gajabahu saw his great army 222
enter, he thought, since pride had awakened mightily in him,
1 P. ekarandham. For the meaning cf. skr. rancUiravam&a "hollow
bamboo." (BR. a. v.)
2 Not only the openings above and below, but for the transport of
the water, also the holes bored lengthwise for drinking.
3 It is clear from v. 205, that the Lankadhinatha mentioned here is
Kitti.
4 The four members (angani) or elements of the army are: elephants,
cavalry, chariot warriors and infantry.
5 This must be the Dan4anatha Laiikapura mentioned so often
1
later, (76. 82 ff.). But otherwise lankdpura is a title. Thus Kadakku4a
1., 72. 89, Rakkha 1., 75. 70, Deva l.» 75. ISO.
6 A Kandegama lies in the Negampaha Korale, northwest of Dambul-
Jambukpia. If this is our Khandigama, it must be assumed that
Gajablhu in order to hold up the advance of Kitti and the other
generals, undertook an attack on the left flank. The assault is parried
by Kitti*s »on.
.
20 * 1306
Gajdbdhu 70.223
223 thus: "When my father, the Monarch, entered into the com-
pany of the gods and when as yet no stability had been
224 attained in my father's realm, then came Kittisirimegha and
Sirivallabha, advancing from two sides with the intention of
225 making war on me, but they were unable to behold my
victorious banner and fled, since then they have their whole
226 life long given up the idea of war. Now I have achieved
stability in Eajarattha and I possess a complete, four-membered
227 army. If now, equipping* army and train, I advance to fight, ?
228 what king will be able to hearken to my war drum?" Thus
swollen with pride, King Gfajabahu ordered the dignitaries of
229 his immediate retinue to put the army in battle trim. After
they had placed in readiness well armoured elephants and
horses proved in battle and large masses of troops of capable
230 warriors, armed with the five weapons, further also the
mercenaries of the Keralas, Kawatas, Damilas, and the like,
231 the dignitaries at once informed the King. With a strong
force the latter left glorious Pulatthinagara and reached the
232 place called Slkaviyala. The troop leaders with the Lanka-
dhinatha Eakkha1 at the head offered battle there to the Lord
233 of men Gajabahu. The great heroes broke through the (ranks
of the) elephants and horses, unhorsed their riders and put
234 to flight the Ruler of men together with his army. The King
withdrew in haste to his town, had the gates locked and hid
235 himself in a sewer2. In pursuit of the King the soldiers (of
Eakkha) arrived, surrounded Pulatthinagara on all sides and
236 began to break through walls, turrets and bastions, and the
237 spies who were stationed, in the town opened the gate. They
entered with ease, captured the Monarch Gajabahu alive and
238 brought him to the palace. The Princes Colagangakumara
and Vikkantablhu they fettered and threw into prison.
1 According to v. 177-8 of our pariceheda, Eakkha was stationed at
Mangalabegama.
2 The translation is only guess-work. The idea seems to be to ex-
press something- derogatory to Gajabahu. The word manura is other-
wise unknown* W. has An lira, but this is no doubt wrong. It might
of course have also been &manttr&.70.253
Grajabaliu 307
Thereupon the dignitaries informed their master of what had 239
taken place. When the Monarch (Parakkamabahu) heard that,
with the insight which grasps the right method, he sent with 240
the message: until we see one another under an auspicious
star thou shalt live free of all fear of me ? costly garments 241
and perfumes and ornaments, articles of his own use, to Graja-
bahu. The officers and the heads of districts hereupon took 242 ?
counsel together and sent the following message to the Mo-
1
narch (Parakkamabahu): "So long as the King (Gajabahu) is 243
alive, the people dwelling in the kingdom will not submit to
thy sovereignty: he must therefore be put to death." When 244
the Monarch heard that, his heart was moved with pity, and
he thought: the king must in no case be put to death. He 245
fetched the clever Senapati Deva who was stationed in Sena-
|
gama1, and spake to him as follows: "If the heads of districts 246
*
and the officers, grown insolent by their victory in fight, slay
the King (Gajabahu) whom they have captured, that is not
right* And if they plunder the town and ill-treat the people 247
and become unbridled, that is likewise not right. The gaining 248
of the royal dignity takes place for the welfare of the Order
and the people alone, but not for the purpose of slaying the
Monarch does it happen. Therefore thou must go there, hold 249
the unbridled in check, take the King under thy protection
and make the town secure." Thus with this charge the King 250
.sent away the Senapati2; the latter marched with the army
and betook himself to Pulatthinagara.
Meanwhile already before the departure of the Senapati, 251
unbridled, low-minded people disregarding the commands of
the Lord of men, had broken open the house doors in 252
Pulatthinagara, plundered goods and stolen raiment and
ornaments of the people. Splendid Pulatthinagara afflicted 253
1 The place is mentioned above in v. 1SI and 1S2 in connection
with the operations of Deva. But according to v. 161 Deva' had finally
taken up a position at Siyamahantakaddala. Thus he must in the
meantime have altered his position.
f P. rGjindo tenindam with pun: "the lord among kings (sends) the
lord over the army."
20*308 GajaMhu
70.254
by the soldiers was at that time (in wild agitation) like the
sea, when at the end of a world age it is lashed by the storm.
254 Enraged at such action, all the people who dwelt in the town,
the officials and the councillors, the townsmen and the troops
255 gathered together, betook themselves to Manabharanu, told
256 him of the events and spake as follows: uYe must come with
us, we shall take to ourselves the royal dominion and make
257 it over to you. Only help must be brought so us." Also the
officer Gokanna, who was stationed in Kalavapi, sent a mes-
258 senger to him (with the request) to come speedily. When the
Monarch Manabharana heard the whole tale the imprudent
259 one took counsel with his foolish ministers. He thought: under
the pretext of setting free the King, I will arise, slay the
260 enemy and get hold of the whole of Rajarattha. He equipped
in haste the able-bodied men among the inhabitants of his
two provinces and marched together with the officials and the
261 forces hailing from Rajarattha, to the town, delivered there
a bitter action and cut down the whole army large as it was,
262 without remnant. Then the Monarch went up to the palace
and visited the Ruler of men Gfajabahu, showing him the
263 customary reverence. Hereupon in order to remove the fears of
this Lord of men and of the dwellers in his realm, he let some
264 days pass, then he slew the whole of the officers of the Mo-
narch Grajabahu, took the King captive and threw him into a
265 dungeon. Then when he had seized everything, all the ele-
phants and horses and the wealth in the treasure house, in
266 the belief that his dominion was now assured, he fetched the
sacred Tooth Relic, the Relic of the Alms-bowl, his mother1 and
267 all his wives from Rohana, and himself void of all pity, the
foolish Prince, took counsel secretly with his mother and his
268 officers thus: "The troops in Rajaratfha, so long as this King
269 is in life, will never submit; therefore he must be slain. If
we were to kill him openly, there would be a great tumult,
1 Sngala, the granddaughter of Yijayabahu L who also later on plays
a leading part in the wars between Bahama and Parakkamabilra. The
tooth relic (d&$h&d?tfitu) and the alms-bowl relic (jMttadhMu) have
already become the palladium of the kingdom.70.283
Gajdbahu 309
therefore this Monarch must be slain in secret." He had the 270
King ill-treated with bad food and a bad couch and set about
putting him to death by poison. King Gajabahu could not 271
stand the ill-treatment he received from the Prince Manabharana.
He sent secretly to Parakkamabahu and let him know: UI see 272
no other help for me save through thee. Therefore without 273
delay revive thou me who am tortured with the fiery torment
of pain, by the rain shower of pity." When the King (Pa- 274
rakkamabahu) had rightly heard all these words of the King
(Gajabahu) he who was a fount of pity, was filled with the
greatest distress. He thought: it is fitting that I, since he 275
has suffered on my account this great wrong through Man!-
bharana, should free him from his misfortune, and although 276
his forces and his implements of war had been lost, he being
of the breed of great men, let not his courage sink, but chose 277
from among the people of his retinue capable men, granted
them offices and showed them great distinction. To the chief 278
Mayageha he granted the office of adhikarin and that of a
lankadhikarin1 to the Sankhanayaka2 KittL Of the two brothers, 279
the generals3, the prudent Monarch conferred on the elder the
rank of a chief of the Kesadhatus4, on the younger that of 280
a nagaragalla5. He granted to both great distinction and
numerous troops and thus won them for himself.
After the prudent (Prince) had in this way, in a short 281
time equipped a large and strong force he sent it in divers
directions. To the place with the name of Vacavafaka in the 282
Merukandara district he sent Eakkha, the Chief of the Kesadhatus 288
with his troops, to Mangalabegama the Lankadhikarin Rakkha,
1 The title lank&dhik&rin seems to denote a higher rank than
lankadhindyaka etc. (see note to 70. 24); for Kitti on whom the former
title has just been conferred as a distinction, was up till now (cf.
70.205}
Lankadhinatha.
s The title sanKhan&ydka (here mnkhaJca0) occurs again in conjunc-
tion with Natha (72. 81, 75. 75) and Rakkha (72. 41).
3 Hie dandanSyal'abhataro who are mentioned several times, are
called according to 72. 162, Kitti and Sankhadhatu.'
4 See note to 57. 65,
5 The same as naffaraffiri. See note to 66. 35.310
Gajabahu 70.284
the Lankadhikarin Kitti to the locality called Kyanagarna,
284 but the two brothers, the generals, the Ruler sent
with
285 large forces to the village of Tfnimakkula1. To the Sena-
pati Deva shut up in Pulatthinagara, the Monarch then sent
286 his house-breakers, fetched him hither2, gave him a great
army, like to the army of the gods, and sent him, aware of
287 the right method, to GrangatatakaA All of them as they were
appointed for the various districts, marched forth with their
troops, plundered here and there on the road leading to the
288 town, struck off the heads of the foe, spread great panic, cut
off the grain supplies and thus harassed the people in the
289 town. Within and without Pulatthinagara the soldiers4 sta-
tioned for that (purpose) slew (the enemy) and put him to
290 flight. No people now left the town for wood or leaves
291 through fear of the wholesale pillage5. By blocking at va-
rious points the road leading from Rohana, they also stopped
292 the traffic for the people dwelling there. All the people shut
up in the town with King Manabhara^a were like weakened
293 birds in a cage6. The two brothers, the generals, hereupon
1 Of the localities here named besides Mangalabegama (see above
notes to 67. 53 and 7Q* 178) Merukandara (41. 19, 44. 28 etc.) occurs
as a safe refuge in Malaya for the pursued and Kyanagama (72. 207,
264) in another connection. They all lay probably at no great distance
southwest and south of Pulatthinagara.
2 But cf. the note below to v. 289. As to the "burglars" (cord) see
70. 168.
3 The modern Kantalai, the name of a big reservoir on the road
from Dambul to Trinconaalee (cf. W. note to the passage). Deva had
thus the task of attacking the capital from the north.
4 From this verse it must be assumed that Deva's whole force had
not left the town, but that at least a part had remained behind, per-
haps in the citadel, in order to work with the troops coming from out-
side. How Ws translation can be brought into harmony with the tra-
ditional text I fail to see.
6 The ace. sabbam is governed by the first part -? mlumpana ~ of
the following compound, a construction not rare in the Culavamsa.
6 The Col. Ed. reads lihittd paJcfchino tnya panjare; the MSS» all
have
as far as I can see, "khinnd or Jchinna, Cf. 72. 209.70. 307
G-ajabdhu
311
engaged in action with the chief Kontadisavijaya1 and after 294
fighting with the force under the command of the Lanka-
dhinatha Bodhi, they pursued (the foe) to Pulatthinagara.
The Chief of the Kesadhatus (Rakkha) who was stationed at 295
the village of Yacavataka, fought an action with the general
called Uttama; he gained the victory, advanced to the village 296
called Nala, fought here with the general of the name of
Buddhanayaka2 and was victorious. The Adhikarin3 Rakkha 297
who was stationed at Mangalahegama, then fought with the
enemy and took the place called Hattanna4. The same fought 298
at Khandigama5 full of bitterness, with the Adhikarin Natha
and put him and his army gloriously to flight. When the 299
Sovereign Manabharana heard that, he marched with, his war-
riors to Masiviyala to fight with him. At the same time the 300
Adhikarin Kitti who stood in Kyanagama, and the Senapati
Deva in Gangatataka, and the two brothers, the generals, who 301
stood in the village of Tinimakkula, also went forth to fight
with large forces. Slaying or routing all the foes who faced 302
them, they pressed forward in a short time from various
sides to Pulatthinagara, drove away the soldiers who were 303
stationed round the town to protect it, set free the Ruler
Gajabahu and brought the wives, the children and the mother, 304
as well as the whole fortune of King Manabharana into their
power. The Lord of men Gajabahu set free from these, fled 305
at onpe and betook himself in haste to Kotthasara6. When 306
the Monarch Manabharana who was fighting with the Lan-
kadhikarin Rakkha, heard of all these events, he was struck 307
1 It is possible that the name Is Konta and disavijayanayaka
a title. The man is not otherwise mentioned.
2 I assume that here ndyaka or ndtha is not the title "chief" or
"general", but belongs to the name. Cf. 72, 266 BuddhandyaJcandmena.
See also 72. 171, 270.
3 An abbreviation of lankhadhikarin; See 70. 283, 72. 37 etc-
.* Cf. 70.215.
5 Cf. 70. 216-218. Thus all the places formerly taken which had
been lost in the interval, are now recaptured.
6 See note to fil. 43.312 Gajabahu
70.308
by the arrow of pain which comes from the separation from
the loved ones, and no longer caring for his life, he came
308 again equipped with armour and weapons with large forces
at night into the town and fought a great battle, thinking
309 of naught else but the destruction of the foe. But when the
Lankadhmatha Bodhi1 fell fighting in the battle, he was
310 unable to hold out longer in Pulatthinagara. He took the
sacred Tooth Belie and the Alms-bowl Kelic, his mother and
his wives and betook himself to Rohana.
311 Now at this time Parakkamabahu left Buddhagama2, to
set free the King, came to the neighbourhood of the town
312 and after having a fine two-storeyed palace built, he sojourned
313 with his army and train in the village of GKritataka3. Now
at that time some warriors of the Monarch (Parakkamabahu)
had betaken themselves, to recover from the hardships of the
314 war, to the village of the name of Tannaru. Treacherous
officers of the Euler Gajabahu without troubling* themselves
315 about the King, began suddenly a squabble with them. When
King Parakkamabahu heard that, he was wroth and sent hi&
316 own officers to take Grajabahu captive. The Lankadhikarin Kitti
and the Senapati Deva hereupon marched with large forces to
317 the village of Tannaru. Fighting three times with the officers
of the Monarch Gajabahu a great battle, they destroyed nu-
318 merous foes. The Nagaragiri Natha and the Jivitapotthakin
1 See above v. 294.
2 Thus Ms headquarters were here between Nalanda and DamfouL
See note to 58. 43.
3 Now Giritala beside the road leading from the Minneri lafce
(Manihira) to Polonnaruva, distant from the latter about six mile« as
the crow flies. Of. BELL, ASC. 1905 (= SP. XX, 1909) p. 20.
4 P. rajftnam pitthito Mtva. Of. for the meaning skr. pr$tha&a$ jfcr
"to leave someone or something unnoticed, disregarded", BR. s. v. pfff^a,
The King is Parakkamabahu: His nearness does not disturb their pttgna-
city, Or the King may be Gajabahu: The officers are "treacherous",
because they attack the soldiers of Parakkamabahu who at that time
was Gajabahu's ally and tried to rescue him. Parakkama considered,
of course, Gajabahu the culprit and held him responsible for the treachery
of his officers.70. 332
Gajdbaliu
313
Mandin1, put the hostile army to flight at the village of Va-
lukapatta. And also ut the village of Tannaru the officers 319
with their large force destroyed a hostile army that faced
them, then marched farther, fought an action once more at 320
Kohombagama and after slaying many, they broke down the
fortification and captured it. Numerous well-armed foes sta- 321
tioned2 at Ambagama they put to flight and brought the
fortress into their power. Thence they set off and after again 322
winning a victory at Tannitittha, they marched to Antara-
vitthi and beat the enemy here. At this time some officers 323
of Parakkaniabahu were in Pulatthinagara at the head of a
large force. To fight with them there came officers of Gaja- 324
bahu under the command of the Adhikarin Deva, but (they)
suffered a defeat. In the same way they3 defeated numerous 325
foes at the place named Kalapilla and after cutting down the
enemy, took up their position at Madhukavanagarrfchi. They 326
all started in haste and marched further dispersing themselves
in different directions with the intention of seizing the King.
When the Ruler (Gajabahu) heard that the enemy widespread 327
on all sides, was approaching, he saw no other step that he
could'take; so the King sent to the congregation ofbhikklius 328
belonging to the three fraternities, settled in Pulatthinagara,
the message: "I see for myself no protection save with the 329
venerable brethren; let them out of pity free me from my
sorrow". When the bhikkhus heard these words, they started 330
off, their hearts moved with pity, for Griritataka, sought out
the Euler (Parakkamabahu), and after exchanging greetings, 331
they asked by the King the reason for their coming, spake
the following conciliatory words: "The Exalted One to whom 332
pity was the highest, expounded many times in many dis-
courses the misery of discord and the blessings of concord.
1 These two officers have so far not been mentioned. For the titles
see notes to 66. 35 and 70. 174.
2 The gerund samnayhitva is subordinate to the part, past thite, as
in v. 327 amttharitvdna to the part. pres. dyantim.
3 I. e. the troops of Parakkamabahu.3l4
Gajab&hu
70. 333
333 Now the Ruler of men (Gajabahu) has neither a son nor
334 brothers, but he himself, being old, is near death. Thy pledged
word that the gaining of the royal dominion has as object
only the furtherance of the laity and of the Order will thus
335 shortly be fulfilled. Therefore shalt thou give up the strife
and return to thine own province, hearkening to the word
of the bhikkhu congregation".
336 Thus the King (Parakkamabahu), hearkening to the words
of the Order, gave up the kingdom gained with great trouble
to King (Gajabahu) and betook himself to his own province.
Ha, how great was his mercy!
Here ends the seventieth chapter, called "The Surrender
of the Royal Dignity", in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the
serene joy and emotion-of the pious.G-ajabdliu, ParaJckamabahu I
CHAPTER LXXI
The Ruler Gajabahu betook himself to Gangatataka, made it 1
his residence and dwelt there happily. But the Monarch Mana- 2
bharana sent gifts to him in order to remain allied with him
after the conclusion of a treaty. But the Ruler of men Gajabahu 3
who desired no treaty with him, betook himself to the vihara
by name Ma^daligiri2. Here he had the words: "I have made 4
over Rajarattha to the King Parakkama" graven on a stone 5
tablet, returned then to Gangatataka and died during his so-
journ there, visited by a disease after reigning two and twenty
years. Thereupon the foolish ministers of Gajabahu met to- 6
gether, betook themselves to Kotthasara, whither they had
the body brought, and after sending messengers to Manabharana 7
to come hither in all haste, they took up their abode there.
When the Lord of men Parakkama heard the news of the 8
King's death he equipped his army and came to Pulatthina-
gara.
The Monarch Manabharana in the province of Roha$a 9
listened to the words of evil-minded people who had come
with large forces from Rajarattha and thought: "If I make 10
these people my allies3, I shall certainly get possession of
Rajara{tha," With a host of troops he left Roha$a and came 11
to Kotfhasara swayed by wishes impossible of fulfilment. When 12
1 Cf* below note to v. 32.
2 See note to 46. .29.
3 The pronoun ime shows that these words are still part of the oratio
recta. W. includes them erroneously in the principal sentence.816
ParaMamabahu I
71.13
the mighty Parakfcamabahu whose valour transcending the
limits of thought was scarcely to be surpassed, heard of these
13 events, he thought: "The gossip of worthless people from
Kajarattha who have forsaken the Lord of men Grajabahu, the
dispenser of great favours, and his officers, and have given
14 up the desire to fight, and not even master of the clothes
15 they wear, fleeing from, fear have come to him, the Ruler
Manabhara^a has believed as if it were pure truth and has
16 come forth to fight1. My dignitaries will give him a defeat
twofold as heavy even as that which the Lord of men Gaja-
17 bahu had to suffer. I shall not permit him to come to this
18 bank of the Mahavalukaganga." And versed in preparations
for war, the prudent one made his four-membered army with
the officers take up their position at the different fords from
'Sarogamatittha as far as Gokawa2.
19 Now the great dignitaries who were of great wisdom, came
together and with clasped hands begged of the Monarch the
20 (holding of the) king's consecration. "Former kings, 0 Great
King, have when they were victorious, in order to increase
1 W. has neither understood the construction of the sentence nor its
meaning. Verses 13-15 belong together. The subject is Mdnabharana-
lihupati. The principal verb is'aganeM. Subordinate to this is the gerund
saddaMvd paldpam. The gen. dujjandnam pavitthdnam is governed by
paldpam. Subordinate to this participle again are the gerunds cajitvd,
patvd, palayitvd. The four missing syllables in 13 c I have supplied in
a similar way to the Col. Ed.
2 The Mahaveliganga is evidently regarded here in its whole course
from the mountains up to its mouth as the frontier between Eohana
and Bajarattha. A happy discovery of H. W. CODBINGTON'S I. 68 was
the indentification of Sarogama with the modern Vilgamuva (Sink
ml "pond, lake" = P. saw) in Laggala Pallesiya Pattuva (Census II,
p. 100) at a short distance from the left bank of the stream. Here
evidently the Hembarave crossing was to be safeguarded. It seems to
me curious that the Veragantota crossing at Alut-nuvara is not mentioned.
It lies 13 miles higher up and is much used now. The bed of the
Mahaveliganga is however subject to great changes. G-okanna I regard
as the Bay of Trincomalee (Koddiyar Bay), or the spot where the
Mahaveliganga flows into it. This explains the mention in 41. 79 of
a71.32
ParaJcJcamdbahu I
317
by every means the fear and affection of their subjects and 21
to show forth everywhere their own abundance of glory, per-
formed the king's consecration, even while they were still
at the seat of war. A ruler fully equipped with political 22
wisdom and self-discipline, must ever, pay heed to the keep-
ing up of good ancient custom. Thine age, your majesty, is 23
youthful, but thy glory is irresistible and scarce to be sur-
passed the fulness of the courage of thine arms. Thy blossom- 24
ing fortune1 would be capable of wielding sovereign power2
over the whole of Jambudipa, let alone the island of Lanka.
Prom the first age of the world to the present day thy line 25
was pure as milk poured into a white shell: hence on a 26
favourable day must be performed the king's consecration
which must of necessity bring happiness to the whole world."
King Parakkamabahu who overcame evil by the wrinkling of 27
his brows, granted the request, he the best of the wise3, and 28
on a day proved auspicious by a favourable constellation he
placed the crown on his head, arrayed in all his jewels. And, 29
though he received the tidings that the Ruler Manabhara#a
had come to this bank of the stream, he heeded that as little
as grass, and laid his armour and -his weapons near at hand 30
in a jewel rna$
town with his right side towards it, like a fearless lion,
stunned with amazement by his splendour the thronging people, 32
and returned to the royal palace which was an abode of
bliss'1.
1 So I translate kusalodaya. It is very nearly the same as the
favourite punnodaya. See 37. 139.
2 P. vibhutta = skr. vibhutva.
3 P. paviveTcin from paviveJca, a term suggestive of the Sankhya
System, in which viveJca is the expression for the discerning" knowledge
through which delivrance is attained. GARBE, die Samkhya-Philosophie,
p. 137.
4 S. and B. have assumed that here we have the end of pariceheda
71 and at the same time a gap of unknown extent. The signature at
the close of the whole chapter describes it as the 72nd, thus number 71318
Parakkamdbfihu I
71.32
is missing completely. In nay edition I have adopted this view and
have begun the verses of the new section with the number 1. I must
point out however, that as far as the contents go, a gap is scarcely to
be noticed. The coronation festival is evidently at an end with the
return to the palace. Perhaps it was hastened by Manabharana's ad-
vance. On the other hand Parakkamabahu had already made prepara-
tions for the war according to v. 17-18, by occupying the various fords,
and now the attack begins at the first of these places, at Sarogama. W.
thinks that all that is missing is the artificial strophe (together with
the
signature) which is customary at the.close of a pariccheda.ParaTcJcamdbdhu
I
319
CHAPTER LXXII
DESCRIPTION OF THE. FESTIVAL OF THE
CONSECRATION
Now the Mahalekha1 Mahinda approached with a great 1
army and fought a great battle with the mighty Kesadhatu 2
Rakkha who was stationed at Sarogamatittha. The Kesadhatu
Rakkha by name, the mighty one, slew like a lion that has 3
broken into an elephant herd, many of his men in combat
and drove the Mahalekha before him as a fierce storm wind
blows cotton, he the mighty him together with his army and 4
train. When then the latter crossing by the ford of Talam-
gama, was fain to renew the fight, the Kesadhatu Rakkha 5
put him again to flight after a sharp encounter with him.
In like manner the Kesadhatu named Buddha2, having fought 6
with the (enemy's) many officers a terrible battle and having 7
slain many warriors, defeated and put to flight the Ruler
Manabharana who offering battle had crossed the river at the 8
Punagama ford. He also took care that he (Manabhararia)
gave up the idea of ever approaching this ford again.
The chief Mayageha3 who was appointed to guard the 9
ford called Samirukkha4 alone at the head of his officers in
the same way crushed Grajabhuja who with his army had 10
crossed that ford with the object of fighting.
With the Maragiri5 Mattatala by name, who with his 11
army came with the intention of crossing the Maharukkha
1 See note to 62. 33.
2 This officer of Parakkamabahu's is not otherwise mentioned.
3 In 70. 83, 162 etc. described as Mdyagehadhinatha or °adhindyaka
here simply Mayctgehanayaka.
__
4 Name of a tree = skr. samt, acacia suma. Corresponds to sama-gas
In modern Sinh.
5 The title m&ragiri occurs again 72. 164, 174 (Nigrodha m.)320
ParaT&amabtihu I 72.12
12 ford1, Rama2 by name who was stationed in Nilagiri which
was his own district, in his extraordinary courage, fought a
13 bitter engagement and after capturing the best soldiers whom
he could get alive, he put the rest of the army to flight so
that it no longer dared to go into action.
14 Another officer who guarded the Nalikeravatthu3 ford
fought then a battle against a hostile army who had ap-
15 proached to fight, cut down many soldiers and scattered the
rest of the army without remnant on all sides.
16 Another distinguished officer who was appointed to the
ford called Anantarabhandaka for the guarding of it, drove
with a large force a strong army of the hostile king that had
17 advanced to fight, together with its officers to the last man,
to the four winds of heaven, whereby the hero turned the
18 battlefield into a mass of flesh, just as the storm
wind
(scatters) a mountain of cloud so that its violence is scattered
flutteringly on, all sides4.
19 Again another high officer appointed to guard the Kana-
talavana5 ford, saw to it that the hostile army that had come
20 forward to battle, gave up all thought of resuming (the
enterprise) after he had fought a great battle with his whole
army and train.
21 The Adhikarin, Kitti6 by name, who was stationed at the
1 "Ford of the great tree" or "ford of the euphorbia" (skr. mahavrksa,
as borrowed word in Sinh. with the same meaning). The corresponding
Sinh. word mdruk means however, coco-nut palm. W. H. CODRINGTON
recognises the locality in Marake situated five miles below Hembarave
on the left bank of the Mahaveliganga.
2 Of. note to 70. 137 where ntlagiri seems to be used as a title.
When In our passage Rama Is described as saratthavasiko that seems
to point to the fact that the ford protected by Rama was situated In
the district which was controlled by him or which was his birth-place,
and that the name of this district was Nilagiri. The title which Is
applied exclusively to Rama would then in this case be borrowed from
the name of his home (nilacfiritthita).
3 aCoco-nut palm plantation."
4 P. samant^'^addha'SamrambTiani. For samramUha "violence" cf.
PTS> PD. s. v. * "Palmyra palm wood of the blind."
6 See 70, 278, where the advancement of Kitti to the rank of Ian-
M'dMicarin (here In short adhiMnn) IB mentioned.72.28
ParakJcama'bdJiu 1
321
Yakkhasukara1 ford after destroying many soldiers in a bitter
fight2, defeated there a hostile body of troops that had ap- 22
proached for combat. Now while he stood at the same ford
he had in consequence of a scarcely to be evaded command 23
of the Great King Parakkama, to betake himself to him while
he entrusted (another) high dignitary there with the guarding
of the ford. This man also three times crushed a hostile 24
force that came hither and took care that it lost all courage
to fight once more.
The Jitagiri3 Santa stationed at the Viharavejjasala ford, 25
completely annihilated a great army that was about to cross,
the army, namely, of the hostile king, fighting with him a 26
terrific battle with mighty army and train.
The Adipotthakin4 by name Kitti, stationed at the Assa- 27
mandala5 ford with a large force, the Lankagiri Mahi6 by
name, with a strong army, and yet another large army cut 28
up a hostile army that had approached, and returned then
with speed each to his appointed place7.
1 H. W. CODRINGTGN is certainly right in identifying this name with
the present YaJckure (Census 1921, II, p. 438). It lies on the right bank
of the river and at the entrance of the Sahassatittha crossing mentioned
so frequently later, now Dastota, south of Polonnaruva.
2 P. Jcatva Jcathasese, lit.: "after making them so that onlj the
tidings (of them) remained."
3 The title, if it. is such, which I think probable, only occurs in
this place.
4 The title which is only borne by Kitti (also 72. ISO, 207) alter-
nates 72. 182 with "bhandarapotthakin. It therefore designates the super-
intendent of the royal store-rooms.
5 If the name preserves the memory of the legend related Mhvs.
10. 53 ffl, then we must look for Assamancjalatittha at Kacchakatittba
now Mahagantota, east of Polonnaruva,.
6 W. takes Hah in am a for the name of the officer, which Is quite
possible. The title lankagiri occurs again 72. 124 f,» and 70. 250
in
conjunction with the names Natha and Sora.
7 The verse is incomplete in the MSS. Nine syllables are missing
in ed. The Col. Ed. supplies these rather differently to what I do, so
that to translate with W, it would be **and returned to the kingf\ Tbe
meaning seems to me to be that the three divisions of the troops were
21322 ParaUamabahu I
72.29
29 (Other) warriors crossed the bridge of the Sakkharalaya-
30 gangaY at once penetrated the grove called SakkumJa, and
having there in fight deprived numerous warriors of life, they
took from the foe the desire to attack once more from this
quarter.
31 Hereupon the Sankhanayaka by name Natha, stationed at
the Sarogama2 ford, after he had shattered an army of the
32 hostile king come hither for battle, crossed the stream him-
self at the village of Vatlyamaijdapa, cut up a strong hostile
force and returned again to his post.
33 In the same way a large army stationed at the Sami ford
cut up a strong hostile force which had marched for battle
34 in this direction and chased away its desire to come again.
A strong royal army that had its stand at the ford called
35 Cullanaga annihilated in like manner the whole large force
of the hostile king, that equipped with armour and weapons,
36 marched in this direction. At Burudatthali the two brothers,
the generals, scattered a hostile army that had advanced in
this direction.
37 The Adhikarin3 Kakkha by name, who guarded the ford
38 Nigufldivaluka, the great hero, free from all fear, destroyed
a strong hostile force fain to cross, by carrying on the ever
39 renewed war for two months. In the same way the Lanka-
pura4 known by the name of Kadakkucja, a great hero, fight-
posted at different places on the river, and that they only united in
order to carry out the attack on the advancing hostile army, which
was probably superior to the single divisions. Of. v. 32.
1 D. JAYARATNA has compared Sakkharalaya with the present
Akurala on the S.W. coast of Ceylon, midway between Ambalangoda
and Hikkaduva. If this is correct then the above passage gives us a
very different theatre of war. Manabharana would not merely have
attacked along the Mahaveliganga, but also in the extreme southwest.
This does not seem to be very probable.
2 According to v. 1 and v. 9 fighting had already taken place at the
two crossings mentioned in v. 31 and 33. The generals of Parakkama-
bahu now seem to take the offensive at these two fords.
s As above in v. 21 adhiJcdnn stands here for lankd&Mkarin.
* See note to 70. 218.72.52
ParaJcJcamab&hu I
323
ing a seyere action at Yacitagama, scattered the raging army 40
of the foe, destroying it root and branch, the courageous
(scattered) the discouraged (army), the mighty the hostile
might.
The Sankhanayaka Eakkhaka stationed at Hillapattakakhan^a 41
crushed a hostile army that came to fight there. Another 42
great dignitary entrusted with the care of Titthagama, after
undertaking a great battle1 and fighting a bitter action, put 43
to flight with his great army a royal army that had advanced
to fight, so that it lost the courage to renew the fight.
Another powerful (officer), stationed at Nandigama, fought a 44
great battle and scattered the raging army that had advanc-
ed thither.
At the place Hedillakhandagama the Senapati Deva when 45
Prince Mahinda came on with strong forces in order to fight, 46
delivered battle against him four times with army and train 47
in fighting trim. He covered the battlefield with the skeletons
of the hostile warriors and robbed the Prince of his troops
without loss to his (own) army and train, followed him at 48
his heels as he took flight with his army and pushed on at
once as far as the ford called Billagama. There for two months 49
terrible combats were waged. Even in his position there the
Senapati put the army of the enemy to flight.
A high officer stationed at the ford called Malagama2, 50
undertaking five times3 the festival of a great battle, scattered 51
a mighty hostile army that had come there to cross over, as
the rising sun (disperses) the mass of the darkness. Another 52
high officer appointed to watch the Grolabaha ford, a man of
1 P. samaraddhamahayuddhaJcaccho. The translation is very difficult.
W. translates thus "began the strife with the enemy with great vigour
when he essayed to make his way through is". But I think one must
judge the passage in connection with v. ISO draddkamahahavasamussavo.
Possibly %accha here is not skr. balcsd, but kctihya.
2 A Maiagomuva-mva lies midway between Ambanganga and Ma-
haveliganga, 12 miles N. E. of Elahera, A ford named after it would
have to be looked for not far from Yakkhasukara.
3 P. dasaddhav&ram, thus not "ten times17 as W. translates.
21*324 Paraklcamabahu I
72.53
53 great strength and courage, routed in action a hostile force
with its officers who advanced to fight, as a lion a herd of
54 gazelles. Another officer stationed at the ford called Dipala,
dispersed with his troops in combat the forces which had
advanced there.
55 The course of the war1 being such, the Great
King
Parakkamabahu who in his terrible courage was like King
56 Dutthagamani thought: "Not even in Rohana will I permit
King Manabharana who is here crushed in war, so find a hold."
57 And the energetic (Prince) ordered the two Kesadhatus, Devila
and Loka, who were stationed in the district of Mahaniyyama2
58 and in Pancayojana3, the Kammanatha Arakkha* and the Kan-
59 cukinayaka5, utterly warlike men, to enter Eohaija. And at
his command these doughty men fared forth thence even as the
four great kings6 at the (command) of the King Sakka.
60 Hereupon having reached the district called Navayojana7 and
61 having celebrated with the strong hostile army there twenty
times the main festival of a main battle and having cut up
62 the great army, they captured Navayojana. They then marched
1 By the successful combats at the fords along the Mahaveliganga
the defence seemed safeguarded. Parakkamabahu now on his side takes
the offensive in the southwest, from Dakkhinadesa, thus with the
clear intention of outflanking the enemy's left wing. The success is at
once seen in the relief of the pressure on the line of the Mahaveliganga.
Manabharana is forced to withdraw a part of his troops from there. It
is true, a reverse soon takes place, on the one hand through the revolt
of Narayana in Anuradhapura and on the other by the enemy succeed-
ing in crossing the river at an unguarded spot.
2 Only mentioned here. A Maniyangama lies in the Panaval Korale
not far from Avisavella. So also CODRINGTON (II).
3 Now Pasdun Korale, the territory to the east of Kalutara.
4 A Kammanayaka Anjana is mentioned 72. 206, 74. 168. I think
therefore that the first part of draklchakainNian&tha contains the name.
5 "Chief of the chamberlains?. The Kancukinayaka mentioned here
is the Rakkha named so often 75. 20 ffl
6 The four maharajas are the four protectors of the world, the
Yama, Varuna, Indra, Knbera.
7 Now Navadun Korale, the territory S. and S. I. of Ratnapura.72,72
Parak'kamabahu I
325
thence and came to Kalagiribhanda1. After fighting with the
army there twenty battles, they brought it likewise into their 63
power, advanced thence farther and took likewise Dighalika-
mahakhetta2. When the Ruler Manabharana received tidings 64
of these events he divided his own army and sent a part
thither.
Now at one time a great dignitary who had the care of 65
Anuradhapura, the general Narayana, in his delusion reflected
thus: "I will bring this province into my power, build a 66
fortress and remain there independent of the kings." When 67
the Lord of men Parakkama heard of the matter he thought:
"I will destroy him without letting him take root." In all 68
haste the hero sent forth the Chief of the umbrella bearers.
As a lion of incomparable courage (falls) upon small gazelles 69
or even on elephants, so the great dignitary set forth, gave
battle to Narayana, slew him along with his army and set
the province free from the briers (of the rebels).
As the known fords at that time were everywhere guarded 70
by the high dignitaries of the great King, as if they were
under the dominion of rakkhasas, Manabharana was not able 71
to cross them, but he passed over at an unknown ford which 72
was made known to him by dwellers in Eajarattha who had
come under his influence3. Now when King Parakkama-
1 Identified by CODBINGTON (II) with the Kalugalboda-rata of the Kadaim-
pota by which, is understood the mountain country of the present Korales
Kukulu, Atakalan, Kolonna and Moravak.
2 As in 75. 60 and 75. 50 Dlghall and MdhaklieUa are mentioned
separately we have to do in this passage with the coalescence of the
names'of two apparently adjoining localities, just as with Sukaralibheri-
pisana in 75. 98, 146. CODRINGTON (II) looks for Mahakhetta at Para-
duva, 11 miles N. N. W. of Matara, since here there are extensive rice
fields on the right bank of the Nilvalaganga. Mahakhetta means "large
field". On the opposite or left bank there is said to be a long canal.
This might be the Dighdli = Sinh. diJc-dla. I should however expect
both these localities to be farther east. AYRTON has in fact compared
Dlghali with Dikvela, east of Matara situated on the coast.
3 Ws translation gatehi vasam attano "who were faithful to him11
is inexact.326 ParaUcJcamabahu I
72.73
73 balm heard of this event lie thought to destroy him along
with his whole army at the crossing of the river, occupied
74 a stronghold at the place Mayurapasana and sent off the
Adhikarin Rakkha, surrounded by many soldiers, a man of
75 extraordinary bravery, with a strong army and train. But
this man in his great envy could not bear the great favour
75 which the pleased and grateful King Parakkama showed to
his enemy, the Senapati Deva, after the great battle fought
77 by him. He bore resentment to the great King and was not
zealous in the war. Groaning in the fever of his jealousy he
78 was careless and developed no energy. Now an officer of the
Lord of men Gajabahu, a crafty man who had obtained from
79 the Monarch Parakkamabahu freedom from punishment, had
gone with Bakkha. He rightly guessed his mood and as he
80 had formerly given counsel to King Manabharana, so now
he sent quickly to King Manabharana the message to come
81 in all haste before the fortifications were begun1. When the
Monarch Manabharana heard these tidings, he entrusted his
82 army with warlike enterprises at different places2. The Prince
Mahinda marched to Vallitittha and fought with the officers
83 of the Senapati Deva. These killed there many warriors in
bitter fight and vanquished in one moment the Prince, the
84 powerful the powerless. The King himself fought a great
battle with the Adhikarin Rakkha in which sparks flew from
85 the clash of swords. Many doughty warriors perished there
on both sides, finally the followers of the Adhikarin Rakkha
86 were scattered. Thereupon this man with his own hand alone
1 All MSS. have sdsanam twice over, first in pada a then in c. The
Col. Ed. has altered the second into asannam. I could not adopt this
emendation. It is not impossible that it is a case of carelessness on
the part of the compiler. But if there is to be an alteration, I should
suggest reading instead of sdsanam in c sampatam "now" = skr.
sdmpratam (in contrast to pageva in 79 d). The unusual form ? one says
generally sampati = skr. samprati ? in conjunction with the preceding
pesesi may have occasioned the erroneous sdsanam.
2 He wants in this way to conceal his action against Kakkha and
make it impossible for Parakkamabahu's other generals to come to
his aid.72.94
ParalcJcamdbahu I
327
continued the combat and fell himself after slaying many a
good soldier. When King Parakkamabahu, that man of ter- 87
rible courage, heard of this event he thought with smiling
lotus face: "As long as I am there what matters it whether 88
they are alive or dead? The lion seeks not allies when he
tears elephants in pieces. Even to-day I shall fulfil in combat 89
the long awakened wish of my two arms which are filled
with lust of battle. This earth ravished by intercourse with 90
many kings who plotted only evil, will I bathe in the water
of the blood of the limbs of my foes and then make her at 91
once my spouse purchased by combat1. For heroes such as
I am she forms in her whole expanse but a hall2. How 92
can any other power aid me, perhaps as a firebrand the sun
in extinguishing the mass of hostile darkness?" After reflect- 93
ing thus he came to the battlefield comparable to the fifth
sun3 in the great ocean that was for him the army of the
hostile king. Arrived he tarried there hearkening to the sing- 94:
ing given forth by numerous songstresses, feeling out the
underlying motif, as one who is first4 among those versed in
the knowledge of moods.
1 There is no need to depart from the reading of the MSS.
katam. The word belongs to skr. pana "trade, purchase", pani "trader".
The allusion is to the old custom of purchasing the bride.
2 The meaning seems to be this; It is to me a matter of indifference
at what place I celebrate my marriage with the earth ? this is of course
a symbol for its dominion. In what place so ever I begin the combat
there is a fitting chamber (said) for the festival. He then goes on to
show why he can at once perform the ceremony. He needs not to wait
for outside aid, for in comparison to him it would be as a firebrand
to the sun.
3 W: "alluding to the seven suns that are said to rise in succession
at. the destruction of the world, the fifth drying up the waters of the
deep" (note).
4 The compiler shows here his knowledge of the Indian Rasa doc-
trine. Every work of art, poetry like music, must have its special rasa,
its underlying motif. Theory distinguishes eight, nine or ten of these.
The most important are: Sfngara "love", mru "heroic mood", MayanaJca
"horror engendering" and hasya "merriment arousing motif"*328
Parakkamabahu I 72.95
95 Against the hostile army1 with which was the Monarch
(Manabharana) approaching in pursuit of the scattered great
96 army, the great dignitaries of the Great King Paratkama hasten-
ed forth and fought with it a terrible battle near the village
97 Badaravalll. Although the victorious army (Manabhararia's)
was scattered, they nevertheless after themselves fighting the
great battle and suffering heavy losses in combat, but having
98 also slain many soldiers ? beat a retreat exhausted, and wended
their way to their own country. Now the great army of the
99 foe displayed redoubled energy. Parakkamabahu left those
who had received wounds, to the care of physicians. He
100 gazed smiling merrily at the fleeing army. The dignitaries
who had bidden their bearers2 turn, he forced with stern glance
101 and wrinkled brow to go back. The bearers he sent himself
against the hostile army, and in order to hold high festival
102 for the meeting with Lakkhl i. e. the foe3, and to send a clever
maiden herald, his sword Hane4, to the field of battle, he,
wishing to begin the feast of war, called to the bearer of his
103 hand weapons: Give me the Slhala sword! Now when this
man out of ignorance brought as Sihala sword the weapon
1 W. has not rightly understood the context. The gerund anubandhiya
does not belong to the subj. mdhamaccd but is subordinate to the part,
past agataya in 95 c. Manabharana is pursuing the defeated troops
of the Adhikarin Rakkha. His army is therefore called jaydsena
in 97. Then he is met by Parakkamabahu's generals. On account of
the great losses they suffer, they have to retire. Parakkama tries to
prevent an absolute collapse. His generals Rakkha Eesadhatu and
Natha (v. 107) restore the balance for the time being. There follows
finally however, the general retreat to Pulatthinagara.
2 Their palanquin bearers. For the high officers the palanquin was
the method of transport also in the field.
3 The alteration of veri° into t-fra0 in the Col. Ed. is wrong. The
image is again borrowed from a wedding (cf. v". 90-91). As in wedlock
the man becomes master of the woman, in this case Lakkhl, the goddess
of fortune and victory, so in battle the victor of the foe. The picture
here is quite different to that of 72. 112 according to which the correc-
tions of S. and B. have evidently been made.
4 In Skr. literature also the sword or the blade is compared with a
Hane. The combination Tthadgalatd {as here P. Tthaggalata) occurs fre-
quently in the Eathasaritsagara (BE, s. vf latd 1 c).72.109
ParalcJcamdbdhu I
329
called the Jambudipa blade1, lie spake: "That is not the 104
Sihala blade. Leave this (sword) that could put an end to
all the lines of hostile kings in Jambudipa and bring me
quickly the Sihala blade2". Now when, after these words, 105
they handed him the terrible Sihala blade the King thought
again, full of pride, he who was an elephant for the binding
of elephants3, namely the foe: In Slhaladlpa I am unable to 106
grasp the weapon with my arm, and looked significantly4 at 107
the face of the Kesadhatu named Rakkha standing near him
and in that of the Nagaragiri ISTatha. And these twain car- 108
ried out the hint of the King and flung themselves with the
courage of lions into the midst of the great (hostile) army.
The twain seemed in consequence of their incomparable bra- 109
1 P. Jambudipapdtava. We may take for pdtava without scruple
the meaning "sharpness, -edge, blade". Skr. patu means "sharp, cutting"
and pdtava is the abstract noun, derived from patu.
2 We have here in the MSS. a sloka of 6 padas and what follows
becomes badly confused if we do not accept it. In the present case it
is certainly possible that it arose through a later interpolation of the
line JambudlpamM nissesaverirdjaJculantakam.
3 What is thought of here is the capture of wild elephants. When
the herd has been surrounded and enclosed in the corral tame elephants
are brought in with whose aid the wild elephants are chained.
4 I have interpreted the passage wrongly in my edition where I have
tried to put sdvadhdranam in the oratio recta with the meaning
"with the exception (of my arm)". That is too forced. W's translation
"that there was not a man who could even place in his hand a (proper)
weapon" is also quite impossible. The text has literally: "in Sihaladipa
with my arm unable to take the weapon, so thinking . . ." Thus the
subject to asamattho is missing. It can only be aham "I". With the
oratio indirecta this can be clearly seen; lie thought Tie was incapable
etc. The idea is this: At sight of the sword the King has scruples
whether he should use the Sihala sword on the island of Sihala, that
is in civil war against Sihalas. He looks therefore sdvadhdranam at
his ablest generals, handing over the task to them. With undoubted
skill Dhammakitti manages the transition from the heroic pose which
he has ascribed to the King, to the real state of affairs and the later
conditions in which the King is no longer the first among his soldiers,
the leader of the army, as in the heroic age of DutthagamanT, but makes
his generals carry out warlike enterprises according to his
instructions.330 P.araKkamabahu I
72.110
very like thousands in number appearing in the midst of
110 the battlefield. Prom morning until far into the night they
fought a great battle terrible by reason of the bodies of
111 hostile soldiers hewn in pieces by sword strokes. With folded
hands the great dignitaries then informed the King: "Shattered
112 is the whole great army, we few people alone are left. But
even in our small number, 0 Lord of men, fighting a great
battle, we have not let the luck of heroes (away from us)
113 turn to the other side. As if from fear of the sight of the
combat the sun has hidden himself behind the western mount.
We will return1 to Pulatthinagara and take up to-morrow
the destruction of the foe. Now is not the right time2."
114 When the King heard that, such action found no favour in
his sight, as he desired to spend the night on the spot and
115 renew the combat in the morning. Now the King void of
all fear, gave himself up to slumber for a moment during
which the dignitaries brought him to Pulatthinagara. Now
when at midnight they came to Pancavihara, the King awoke
and asked what name the place had. When the Lord of men
heard from the people that it was Panpavihara, he flew into a
rage: "That ye brought me hither while I slept was wrong of
118 you". But as he wished to take every single one of his
retinue without exception with him, he remained there. He
filled the village with the din of the five loud clanging shell
trumpets3 and after he had himself (awaited) his retinue that
had not yet appeared, (and) surveyed (them), he sent his
train on in front, kept behind them himself and came when
morning time was near to Pulatthinagara.
When then the sun, the ancestor of Ms race, had risen,
Parakkamabahu who by his singular courage had the whole
1 Important, as we see from this, as also from what follows, that
tlie scene of these fights lay in the immediate vicinity of the capital.
2 Again a sloka with 6 padas in all the MSS. Here also there is
the possibility of a later interpolation of the line ranad&$mncibhito ua
lino atthacale ravi.
3 These are the five musical instruments, of which one, the shell
trumpet, is named as the most warlike.72.129
PardkJcamdbdhu I
331
world in his power1, heard that at the ford called2 Billa- 122
(gama) the Senapati Deva and the Adhikarin, named Kitti,
at the head of a great army had poured an uninterrupted 123
rain of arrows on the Adhikarin of the name of Natha3, on
the Prince Mahinda, the Senapati Sukha, the Lankagiri 124
Natha and on others who had approached in that direction
and who came with their army to fight; that they had rob- 125
bed of life the Senapati Sukha and the Lankagiri N"atha
along with many warriors and had pursued the Adhikarin 126
Natha and the Prince Mahinda who had fled with their troop
divisions; that when they had penetrated far into the pro- 127
vince, the whole army of the foe together with the troops
belonging to the country had made the road impassable and 128
hiding themselves on all sides had captured them4. At these
tidings the foe-tamer (Parakkamabahu) who took ever the
greatest pleasure in doughty deeds, marched forth to relieve
the generals. But here in order to persuade the Monarch, in 129
1 Verses 122 up to the beginning of 128 tiroJcatvd gahesi form one
sentence (cf. however, note on 128), the content of the news which
Parakkamabahu receives next day and which must lead to an alteration
of his decisions. W. has understood that. In my edition this is not
made sufficiently clear (but ef. the emendations in vol. II). Because of
the new tidings the King determines in the first place to relieve his
surrounded generals. The action planned against Manabharana is de-
ferred.
2 There had been fighting before at this ford (see 72. 48) under the
Senapati Deva who had pushed forward there from Hedillabhanclagama
in pursuit of the defeated Mahinda.
3 Mentioned above in 70. 298.
4 The construction of the whole sentence is not correct in the
original. The subject is changed as happens in the latest parts of the
Culavs., chiefly in sentences with many gerunds: in the first place
Devasenddhindyalo EMUndrndtthikari ca is the subject, then sakald
ardtwdMni. The construction would be right if it ran: Devasenddhind-
yake KiUinamadMkdrini ca ... mttetva . . . pdpetvd ... anubandiya ...
pamtthesu, sdkala amtwahinl? . » gahesi. Here the gerunds mttetm &c.
would be subordinate to the past part, pavitthesu. The word gahesi
refers only to the encirclement by which Deva and Kitti have lost
their freedom of action.332 Pardkkamdbdhu I
72.130
whom had awakened the resolve for combat, to return, the
130 great dignitaries with folded hands spake to him: "Save thy
exceeding great ability, scarce to be surpassed, 0 Lord of
131 men, we have no further might left; and the inhabitants of
the country are all under hostile influence. We must betake
ourselves from here to Nandamula and from there begin the
132 fight". With these and like representations they induced the
Lord of men to turn back; they started from there and set
133 out with the King on their way. When the retainers native
to the country stationed in Nandamula, beheld the Monarch
134 approaching with few followers they began to rain from
all sides a hail of arrows. The Ruler who had halted at
135 the place called Karavalagiri1 sent thence certain dignitaries
acknowledged to be excellent warriors and brought it to pass
136 that that division of the army gave up its desire to fight. While
thus the great hero, the Ruler, sent on his retinue in advance
and followed after on the march, he came to Jambukola.
137 Starting thence to relieve the Senapati Deva, he came on the
march to a place named Navagamapura.
138 At that time the Senapati Deva and the Adhikarin Kitti,
because they had not obeyed the instructions given them by
139 the Great King, lay exhausted there with their army. They
had given up the fight and had fallen2 into the power of
140 the enemy at the village named Surulla. In order to persuade
the Ruler (Parakkama) ? who was advancing3 with the
1 The Census 1921 (II. 296) has a Karavalagala in the Tittaveli-
gandahe Korale, thus In the mountains east of Hiripitiya, 13 miles
north of Kurunegala. But there are difficulties about identifying the
two names. We expect rather a position between Polonnarava and
Dambui Cf. note to 72.147.
2 They are probably still surrounded by the enemy but have not
yet capitulated. All we learn further is that Parakkama had to give
up the plan of relieving them, as apparently their capitulation could
no longer be prevented. Of their later fate we hear nothing. It seems
however that they were freed or ransomed. The Adhikarin Kitti
appears again 74. 90 if. and the Lankapura Deva mentioned 75. 130,
76. 250 ff., might be identical -with the Senapati Deva.
3 P. vibhajitva nijardkKhaya. The verb vibfoajati seems to be used72.147
ParalckamabdJm I
333
strong intention of rescuing his generals ? to turn back,
they sent him the following message: "We have fallen here 141
in the midst of Maharattha1 into the power of the enemy;
but our Lord has no other means of power than his extra-
ordinary courage. Even the country folk have turned away 142
from us and are on the side of the foe. But if there
are Lords of exceeding ability, then there is no doubt that 148
by uniting the ocean-girt earth under one umbrella they are
heedful of the furtherance of the laity and of the Order. We 144
to whom this boon belongs, in consequence of which we shall
have the comfort of again beholding the lotus flowers of thy 145
feet, shall be set free by the protector of the castes and of the
hermitages2. But (now) thou must give up thy resolve to come
hither." When the Great King heard that, the far-seeing one 146
perceived that even before his march thither ruin would ensue.
Entreated by all his dignitaries with folded hands the discern- 147
ing one turned and betook himself to Vikkamapura3.
here in a quite peculiar meaning "to be intent upon something1'. The
literal translation of v. 140 would be "they, wishing to cause to return
the Ruler who advanced, being- intent upon their own protection, sent
the message . ." The meaning of the message in this: Give up the plan
of rescuing us now. We know that a great king like you will finally
gain the victory, and then we will be set free and again join your retinue.
1 Of. note to 72. 147.
2 P. vannanam assamanam ca is here synonymous with the usual
lokasdsana.
3 The actions described vv. 121-147 are not easy to understand.
The reason probably lies in the fact that the narrator gives as short
an account as possible of a series of catastrophes which
overtook
Parakkamabahu and which led to complete reversal of the situation.
As regards the encirclement of Deva and Kitti in the first place, one
would have expected it from the account to have taken place some-
where in hostile territory, in Rohana. What does not agree with this
is that the starting-point of the relief should be Jambukola, whether
we understand by this Dambul, which I think the more likely, or
Dambagolla (note to 70. 72) west of Elahera. The generals themselves
speak in v. 141 of Maharattha. But that is according to v. 163, a
district bordering (eastwards) on the Kalavapi, if indeed the mahdratiha-
mctjjfae In v. 141 altogether contains a proper name, and not an
appella-334 Paratikamabahu I
72.148 [,
?
148 Now when the high dignitaries learned that the Monarch
[
Manabharaija had come with his whole army to Pulatthina- [;
149 gara and again marching thence had reached the place called
j;
Giritataka1 and other matters, they informed the King truth-
?
150 fully according to the facts, as they had heard them, and
J
also that the army had been here and there destroyed in *
151 fight. They reported further it would be best to march to
j
Parakkamapura2 or even to the village called Kalya$i3 to
gather together the army there and then begin the war
!
152 again. But when the lion-king heard that he answered in
the fire of his wrath, discernible in the fume of his wrinkled
153 brow4: "For the fearful I have no use, they may go where
they like. Men like myself possess a great army in the
154 courage of their arms. From the King of the gods down-
wards I know none in the three worlds capable so long as I
155 am in life, of crossing the frontier of my realm. A hostile
tive "in the midst of the great province" (L e. Rohana). The final re-
sult of all the military events is clear. Parakkamabahu is forced to
give up Pulatthinagara and Rajarattha and to retire to Dakkhinadesa.
The first halt is at Vikkamapura. The position of the town can be
pretty well fixed. It is mentioned v. 263 in connection with Kyanagama
which in its turn occurs next to Mangalabegama, thus not far distant
from Pulatthinagara. Vikkamapura must thus have been situated in
Janapada. Is it perhaps the name for the town belonging to Sihagiri?
1 As Giritataka (now Giritala), lies about 7 miles W. N. W. of
£
Pulatthinagara, Manabharana has thus occupied the capital advancing
|
from E. or S. and now advances without delay against the hostile front
I
at Vikkamapura.
|
2 The building of Parakkamapura is first described later 74. 15.
f;
It was probably a case of rebuilding on an older site. Should th*e town
|
be looked for at the Parakkamasamudda, the reservoir Pan
3 Now Kelaniya at the mouth of the Kelaniganga not far from
/
Colombo. The officers thus advise giving up the fight entirely for the
time being and retiring to Dakkhinadesa.
t
4 The reading of the MSS. gives no sense. In my edition I have
;''!'
followed the Col. Ed. But I should like now to suggest: the reading
>
bh^M^adhumamnney^aJcopaggi paccabhas7 ato. This keeps more closely
to the text of the MSS., assumes merely the change of a single letter
!
(v into s) and gives the expected sense.
]-72.168
PdraTcJcamabahu I 335
prince can force his way into the realm ruled by me as little
as a king of elephants into a lion-guarded den. Who would 156
not become a hero when my glance falls on him? If I so
will, boys who still drink milk will fight. In two or three 157
months I shall no longer permit the Ruler Manabharana to
establish himself in his own province, let alone in Rajarattha.
It is just for such an occasion which is quite hopeless that 158
the worth of the courage of the arms of heroes of my breed
holds good." In this way he made the discouraged courageous 159
by speaking a self-confident word filled with heroic spirit1.
Then experienced in warcraft, he sent the Adhikarin Rakkha 160
and the officer (Kitti) the Adipotthakin2, forth to take up a
position3 at the village of Mangalabegama. Hereupon after 161
distributing dignities to people who deserved dignities, the
illustrious one, versed in the right expedients, entrusted the
Mahalekha called Rakkha and the Jivitapotthakin Mandin, as 162
well as the two brothers, the generals, Sankhadhatu and Kitti,
with a great army and he, the mighty one, sent it to Pillavitthi 163
in Maharattha which borders on the Kalavapi tank to take
possession of it4. Likewise the exceeding brave (Prince) placed 164
the Maragiri Nigrodha5 in Uddhavapi with an army. In order 165
to carry on the war in this way in different directions he
placed a strong army with officers at various places.
Now the troops stationed in Janapada, skilled in the game 166
of war, offered battle and put to flight at the locality called
Janapada, the Mahalekha called Mahinda who had come hither 167
to fight at the command of Manabharana, so that his courage
for a renewal of the conflict was broken. To the Lord of 168
men, Parakkama, who while ever bringing forth all kinds of
1 P. mrarasa, see note to 72. 94,
2 Cf. 72. 27 together with note,
3 The theatre of the war is very much the same as in the operations
against Gajabahu described 70. 281 ff.
4 For Maharat^ha see note to 72. 147. The district is mentioned
again, twice (v. 190, 199). Pillavitthi is certainly identical with the
Pilavitfhika mentioned 69. 8 (see note to the passage).
5 See note to 72. 11.336
ParaJcJcamabahu I 72.169
meritorious works in profusion and, like to the King of the
169 gods, enjoying diversion in divers games, sojourned in Na-
landa1, the army sent a report of the events in accord with
the truth*
170 Thereupon the officers stationed in Pillavitthi with the
Mahalekha Rakkha at the head2 fought for eight days an
171 embittered battle with Buddhanayaka3 and the general Maha-
172 maladeva stationed at Kalavapi, slew many warriors, put the
enemy to flight, brought Kalavapi into their power and freed
173 it shortly from the briers (of the foe). Then carrying out
the instructions of the Lord of men Parakkama, they threw
up an entrenchment and remained with the army on the spot.
174 The Maragiri Nigrodha stationed at Uddhavapi, fought
175 three times, scattered the hostile army and having fortified
the monastery grove at the village called Tannaru, he took
up a position there at the command of the Great King.
176 The Monarch Manabhararia now granted to the Prince
Mahinda a post of honour and a province of considerable
177 extent and spake to him: "Take up, marching in the direction
of Moravapi, in order to conquer Dakfchinadesa, thy position
178 with strong forces in Anuradhapnra4. I will betake myself
to Pallavavala, to march in the direction of Buddhagama5."
179 Thus having sent him in advance with a strong army to fair
Anuradhapura, he himself took up a position again at the
same place6 in Rajaratpia,
180 When the great councillors of the Great King who were
stationed in Kalavapi, learned that Prince Mahinda had betaken
1 N aland a was thus again Parakkama's headquarters as in the
campaigns against Qajabahu (see 70. 167, 207).
2 See above v. 1.61 ff. 3 See note to 70. 296.
4 For Moravapi see notes to 69.9,70.67. From all the passages in
which it is mentioned it is clear that it was situated south of Anuradha-
pura and west of ? Kalavapi. Manabharana's plan is evidently to turn
Parakkaniabahu's left flank in order to force him to withdraw his front
which threatened Pulatthinagara,
5 See notes to 58. 43 and 66. 19.
6 It is only later that Manabharana goes to Pallavavala (see v. 220);
thus tatih* eva here probably, means Gftritatdke. (s, v. 149).72. 194
ParalckamabaJiu I
337
himself with, large forces to Anuradhapura, they at once, in 181
order to destroy him before lie had taken root, entrusted the 182
Mahalekha Rakkha and the Bha$darapotthakin Kitti1 with
the charge there and marched themselves with army and train
to the locality called Ka^amula, threw up an entrenchment 183
here and took up their position here after they themselves
had left Kalavapi. When the Great King Parakkama who 184
was skilled in expedients not to be thwarted, heard of this
undertaking and had as expert examined it, (he told the of-
ficers): "As people who do not know the country, ye should 185
not without my order, penetrate into the innermost part of
the district to take up the fight. Such a command he whose 186
commands were like those of Pakasasana2, far-seeing and
discerning, issued repeatedly (to the officers). But they hastened 187
thither, neglecting the command of the King and believed in
their folly that they would immediately seize Anuradhapura.
The unhappy ones who themselves discovered not the object 188
and left the King's command unheeded3, came to the locality
named Katuvandu, ignorant of the localities and without the 189
right precautions, as if desirous of tasting the effects of their
disobedience to the King's command. When they, carrying 190
out their ill-starred undertaking, had penetrated there, their
followers dispersed themselves over the various places in
Maharattha. When the Prince Mahinda heard of the affair, 191
he held a council, surrounded them and began the combat,
and owing to the faulty concentration of the army, the Prince 192
Mahinda scattered the whole of the forces on the battlefield.
Completely beaten in this battle, the officers returned to
193
Kalavapi remembering the neglected royal command. But the 194
1 See note to 72. 27, as well as to 72. 196.
2 P. pakm&sana = skr. ptikas&sana is an epithet of the god Indra.
The meaning attached to the word here is probably "whose commands
become ripe, 1. e. are fulfilled or carried out".
3 Verae 188 is mutilated in the MSS. as four syllables are missing1,
The text of the Col. Ed. differs from mine. W. translates thus: "and
those among them who were not fortunate would not be advised by
the king's message11.
22
838 ParaKkamdb&hu I
72.195
Prince (Mahinda) returned to Anuradhapura, collected in haste
195 the division of the army belonging to his province and sent
it off", as he intended taking Kalavapi with large forces.
When the discerning Ruler (Parakkama) received tidings of
196 this, he sent in haste the Bhanclarapotthakin Bhuta1 thither
to whom he gave a considerable army consisting only of
197 skilled warriors. They all met there together and three months
198 long the valiant heroes fought bitter battles day by day. Not
neglecting the royal instructions the doughty ones fought a
hard fight and (finally) shattered the four-membered army of
199 Mahinda. They took Maharattha which bordered on Kalavapi
and remained at the spot awaiting the command of the King.
200 The Prince (Mahinda) made exultant by his afore mentioned
crafty fight with the people who had transgressed the King's
201 command, came ons himself in full armour. An officer who
was stationed at Moravapi not neglecting the instructions of
202 the far-seeing King, distributed his followers on both sides of
the road and as soon as the hostile army were completely
203 inside (the ambush) he surrounded it on all sides, slew while
204 delivering a terrific action, numerous high officers, vanquished
the Prince and sent many heads of enemies slain on the battle-
field to the King.
205 Hereupon King Parakkamabahu, a man of terrible courage,
gathered together3 his army which was distributed in divers
206 places, and in order to drive the Ruler Manabharaija out of
Rajarattha, he placed the Mahalekha called Rakkha, the
207 Kammanayaka Anjana4 and the Adipotthakin Kitti at Kyana-
glma and sent the Adhikarm Rakkha to Mangalabeglma.
1 The title bhandarapotthaTcin is also borne by Kitti. See 72- 182
together with the note to 72. 27.
2 As the mention of Moravapi shows, we have to do here with Ma-
hinda's main thrust against Dakkhinadesa announced in v. 177.
, ^ By the victory at Moravapi Parakkamabahu has done away with
the pressure on Ms left wing (cf. note to v. 177) and can now under-
take his action against Pnlatthinagara. As to the localities see 70.
281 ff.
4 See note to 72. 58.72.221
Pardkkamdb'dhu I
339
Then he sent his train of hunters, robbers1 and the like wlio 208
were skilled in wandering by night in the wildernesses of
forest and mountain, and had many people in divers places 209
slain2 by them by night and day. Like birds shut up in a
cage3 the dwellers in Pulatthinagara for long dared not even 210
by day leave their houses and go outside of the gate when
they wanted supplies of water and wood. For the work for 211
which they needed wood each robbed his house completely of
its roof4 and so destroyed it. In the shops here and there 212
on the outskirts of the town the various businesses were
completely given up. As circulation in all the approaches to 213
the town had been stopped by the King, the whole town
trembled with excitement. Great harassment he caused to the 214
King Manabharana in that he vexed the town even to the
royal castle. In his great distress the Ruler Manabliara^a 215
whose heart was sore weighted with cares, reflected thus:
"If I would betake myself to my province of Rohana the 216
inhabitants of Rajarattha who are there would not permit me
to go thither, to show their affection for the Sovereign
217
Parakkama, if by my taking flight they discover my weakness.
But if I think it is right for me to stay here, that too for 218
me is hard, since day and night I must suffer such hardships.
The best thing for me is to fight a decisive battle with the 219
foe and to suffer the fortune or misfortune that issues from
it." After putting his large four-membered army in fighting 220
trim, he betook himself, his loins girt for combat, to Pallava-
vala5. When thereupon King Parakkamabahu, who possessed 221
1 These were probably Vaddas who were in the king's retinue.
Kirata "hunter" is also used in Skr. to describe savage mountain tribes,
9 Verses 205-214 form a single sentence which I have split up in
the translation into its component parts. The principal verb is aJcasi
pllam in 214 which governs directly three "that" sentences with yathd
1) v. 209 c-211, 2) v. 212, 8) .v. 213. Then to aM$i belongs. gMtayanto
in v. 209 a and subordinate axe the various gerunds in w. 205-208.
3 The same simile in 70. 292.
4 Lit.: "they made it grassless11, L e. they turned the grass which
served as roof into fuel and so ruined the whole house.
5 See above v. 178.
'340 ParaKkamabahu I
72.222
the courage of a lion, and (yet) was wont to act with reflec-
222 tion, heard of all these events, he sent off the Lankapura,
the two brothers, the generals, and the Lokagalla1, after
223 instructing them in divers plans of war, in three directions,
as he, the prudent one, intended to separate2 the hostile army
224 that was marching hither from that direction. They betook
themselves with large forces thither and spent a month de-
225 livering day by day a sharp action. In his double distress
the Ruler Manabharaya reflected thus: "I have left my
entrenched camp and have come hither, desirous of fighting.
226 There is no breathing freely for me; my misfortune is deep-
227 rooted and grows at its pleasure day and night. Since I have
come hither without tasting the good and the evil that were
my lot in that wilderness3, I deserve this misfortune hard to
228 be borne. And an attempt to come thither4 again? That is
also hard to carry out, since hostile forces are posted at dif-
229 ferent places on the main road. Here in this place where
we are so confined, I may not tarry, since the hostile army
230 is marching from every side towards the centre. I will in-
quire of people well acquainted with this part and will march
231 forth by some little known way which they tell me of." Thus
having asked the inhabitants be betook himself by a way
232 told him by them to the village of Konduruva5. Thereupon
the Adhikarin Rakkfaa who, carrying out the command of the
Great King, had taken up a position at the village named
233 MihiraQabibbila, had stakes made like spearpoints tod had
them bound together driven into the ground in such &? way
234 that they were not even to be shaken by elephants.' Then
1 The Lankapura is Katjakktija (72.39). Who is meant by the
Lokagalla we do not know, but the word occurs also as title in 75.138.
2 P. nnutkham katuk&wo. I vimukha here in the meaning of
**tiirnet! in different directions'*.
3 By the "wilderness" (vana) lie means Ms former country, Eohana
with which lie ought to have been satisfied.
4 Namely to Robana.
5 There Is a Konduruveva S, W. of Giritale, W. S. W. of Pulatthl-
nagara*
, ?72. 245
ParaJcJcamaMhu I
341
outside (of these) he had strong stakes of still greater size
driven in, so that there was no gap and had them interwoven
with wattle-work of branches. Then in the middle (between 235
the two rows of stakes) he had a trench dug twenty to thirty
cubits broad for a distance of a hundred lengths of a man1.
There he placed sharpened stakes and2 thorns and also in 236
the ground lying outside he had sharpened sticks driven in
and a hedge of thorns put up, tightly closed and unbroken 237
and between these a trench dug as before. There also he 238
placed sharpened sticks and thorns and outside of the hedge
he had a trench dug which reached to the underground
water3. There also he again placed pointed stakes and thorns 239
and outside of the trench he had the big forest felled at a
blow over a tract two or three bowshots in extent, as well 240
as great pits dug beyond this tract on the robber paths4.
Here again he placed everywhere sharp thorns, had them 241
covered on all sides with sand and withered leaves, and pre- 242
pared (everything) in such a way that at first glance it
looked like a passable road. Then in order to destroy without
remnant the hostile army when it approached this way, he 243
had robber paths made in every direction and posted sharp
shooting archers on them. In the middle of the stockade he 244
built a structure5 of four storeys and distributed archers about
it at divers places. But in order to entice hither the hostile 245
army (from where it was marching), he sent out two or three
thousand archers who understood shooting by the flash of
1 The "cubit" (ratana) equals 17. 82 inches. Thus the breadth was
about 30 to 45 ft. a "man's length" (porisa) is about five cubits, that
is 89. 10 in. So the length of the trench measured 740 to 745 ft.
2 I should now prefer the reading ca instead of va* Also in what
follows the stakes always appear along with the thorns. It often
happens in the Culavs. that ca is not enclitic, but stands between the
objects which it connects. Cf. v. 238 b.
3 Thus I interpret odaJcantiJca. We must assume that it is derived
from a skr. udakanta, audaJcantifta. W's view is probably the same.
4 What is meant are the footpaths leading through the wilderness.
5 P. pasada. The passage is characteristic of the general meaning
of "structure" given to the word pdsada.342
PardKkamabahu I 72.246
246 lightning1. Now when amid a rain of arrows pouring from
all sides the irresistible, terrible hostile army approached,
247 they cunningly feigned as if they had been routed by it and
turned back. When then the others approached in pursuit
248 of them, then suddenly skilled warriors, doughty soldiers,
experienced in the war game, a thousand in number like
249 singly marching elephants2, made a dash at them and fought
an action, appearing in front of the hostile forces like the
250 army of King Yama3. A hail of arrows began to rain on
all sides and the people who stood on the structure began
251 to shoot at those who were on the ground. There followed
a hail4 of stones which hurled from engines, flew5 here and
252 there vast in size. From the burning, sharp-pointed6 bamboo
j
1 P. akMianavedhino. Of. also JaCo. III. 32222, V. 12917. I accept
the explanation in JaCo. II. 9111. H. KEEN, Toevoegselen op't Woorden-
boek van Childers I. 69, compares skr. akhana "target". This seems
to me too colourless. Moreover Mhvs. 23. 86 distinguishes the sddda-
vedhl, "who shoots according to the sound" (without seeing
the
mark), the vcilavedhZ "who hits a hair" and the vijjuvedhi "who shoots
by the gleam, of the lightning'*. To these three categories
JaCo.
V. 12917 adds that of the saravedhino who can shoot a second arrow
on to the first one already sticking in the target. The art is still
practised in India. I know a young Indian who claims ta be both a
vcftavedffi and a saddavedhi*
I'
2 I read pmcekafaatthino. What is meant are the solitary or rogue
elephants who are known for attacking furiously and are therefore much
dreaded. The word is formed on the paccekabuddha model.
,
3 The god of death. In the whole section from v. 232 to \. 249
[
vattesum (samaram) in 249 is the first and only finite verb. We have
;
thus to do with a single sentence. The construction meanwhile is not
J
correct. The subject changes ItakkhadMkdn in 232 and t/ira subhata
in 248. An alteration of peseta (246) into pesesi would get over the
difficulty. I dare not suggest it however, as I believe that irregular
;
sentences with accumulated gerunds are typical of the compiler's style.
>t \
Cf- note to 72. 128.
},
4 Lit. "a spreading out" (a broad throwing).
f'
5 P. pfiarantdnam. The verb phar is a favourite one for expressing
l
the flashing of the lightning.
\
6 Indian dictionaries give tiksna "sharp", "pointed" as the meaning
?
of canda. ? .
. . ? ?'72. 266
Parakkamabahu I
343
rods which cut into single pieces were hurled1 down there
spread an unbearable heat. With many glowing iron rods 253
which were tied to strings and which they drew up again,
they performed seven days long their terrible deeds. Thus 254
the discerning great dignitaries of the Great King carried on
the combat in accordance with the instruction of their King.
Seized by fear the army of the foe dispersed at once like the 255
wave-crowned flood2 when it breaks on the ocean's shore.
Thus the army with the Monarch were wiped out on the battle- 256
field as the stars with the moon at the rising of the dawn.
Then at Rajatakedara day by day for six months in bitter 257
fight they weakened the forces of the foe. The Monarch 258
Manabhai^na set about building a stronghold for his sojourn3
by making a stockade of thorns. When King Parakkamabahu, 259
the energetic, the exceeding wise, the lotus-eyed, in his vigi-
lance heard of this proceeding, he thought in his heart: 260
"This plan is clever. If he now sets about building a strong-
hold be must, methinks, as his army is weakened, be about 261
to retire. Now is the right moment to get Manabharana
entirely into one's power. I also must march thither and it 262
is well if I march, to march in such manner that he notices
nothing, else he will take flight." With this resolve he left 263
Vikkamapura4 and while feigning that he was going to the
chase, he betook himself to Kyanagama accompanied by many 264
skilful musicians, who made music on the lute and the flute.
While now the wise Euler versed in moods, sojourned like 265
Vasava5 in that village, he sent a message to the Adhikarin
Rakkha to put his division of the army with all speed in 266
fighting trim and to hold a war festival with the officer of
1 P. pavita-, cf. skr. pravlta.
2 To supplement JcalMamalim "bearing waves as wreaths" one most
take vahini as a substantive of more general meaning "flood". Vahinl
it should be remembered, generally denotes "river".
3 I take sa in sasamnivesam as equivalent to the skr. sva. W. trans-
lates "with an encampment".
4 The headquarters of Parakkamabahu, see 72. 147 and note.
5 A name of the god Indra.344 ParaKkamabdM
I 72.267
267 King1 Manabharana, Buddhanayaka by name1. When the
discerning Adhikarin had hearkened carefully to all of the
message sent, he at once carrying out the order of the Great
268 King, put his army in readiness, and sent the war-practised
(host) forth, which was like to a whirlwind when it scatters
269 cotton, namely the enemy. The four-membered army marched
to Rajatakedara, delivered there till sunset a bitter action,
270 slew Buddhanayaka and the other officers, put the rest of the
271 army to flight and stayed the night on the spot When the
Sovereign Parakkamabahu heard of this event the prudent
272 one betook himself to the village called Mihirai?abibbila2. He
had fetched the Lankapura Kadakkuda who was endowed
with extraordinary courage, and the two brothers, the, generals:
273 "King Manabharana will certainly to-day in the night take
274 flight, his heart swayed by great fear; betake yourselves to
him on his way and cut off his flight", such was the order
275 given them by the discerning (king). While the heavens
without ceasing drizzled and rained, while thickest darkness
276 held sway, these marched in black night, but were not able
to overtake the Monarch Manabhararia on the way who was
fleeing tortured by dread.
277 The Monarch Manabharana had at that time thought thus:
278 "In the stronghold occupied to-day by the hostile army, a
terrible noise can be heard like the raging of the vast ocean,
279 The hostile king has, methinks, entered the fort. If instead
of fleeing, I remain here during the night, to-morrow I shall
280 certainly be delivered helplessly into his hands. Without lett-
ing any single one of all my companions know it, 1 must
281 leave this place,1' Racked by fear, with such thoughts he
left his own children in the lurch and while heavy rain
282 streamed down and thick darkness reigned, he hastened hither
and thither, every now and again falling into a deep pit,
stumbling amid the undergrowth of the forest, ever and anon
283 starting with fear his heart filled with terror, to the Maha-
1 See note to 70. 296, as well as below v, 270.
2 Cf. above v. 232,72. 296
ParaTcJcamabdhu I
345
valukagaiiga. But fearing that if he fled by a well known
ford, the foe pursuing might take him alive, he crossed the 284
river with difficulty at some unknown ford and regained 285
courage for a moment. But as he had exceeding fear of the
able-bodied inhabitants of the country, he wandered in dis- 286
guise full of terror from village to village and so fleeing came
to his own province stripped of everything1.
When the warriors of the Great King Parakkamabahu 287
who were posted at divers places, noticed that King Manabharaija
had departed, then thousands of them joyfully waved their 288
garments2, they lit around hundreds of thousands of torches,
and while taking the lives of many thousands of warriors, 289
they clapped their hands, shouted with joy, jumped about,
and broke at one swoop from all sides into the great entrench- 290
ment which King Manabharana had occupied, captured alive 291
the Prince called Sirivallabha who had been left behind and
other great dignitaries, seized the rich treasures scattered here 292
and there of the hostile king, elephants and horses, equipment
and an array of weapons. Having made the necessary ar- 293
rangements for their custody, they all set off in pursuit of the
Ruler Manabharana, reached in the shortest (possible) time the 294
Mahavalukaganga, cut to pieces there also a hostile army
down to the last mana, and having seen to it that the whole 295
river carried* along with it naught but flesh and blood, they
were fain to press on farther, resolved not to turn back before
they had captured the Euler Manabharana even if they had 296
to march to the ocean5. But Parakkamabahu of the strength-
1 P. gativivajjito. For the meaning of skr. gati "resource" s. BR. s. v.
nr. 6. Ws translation "undisguised" (in contrast to anndlavesena in
pada a) Is certainly wrong.
2 Lit. "they instituted thousands of wavings of garments". GelukJchepa
signifies expression of approval. See JaCo. II. 901; IIL 292U; Mhvs. 15,
App. B, 7,
3 P. apariccMnam, lit. unlimited, unrestricted, complete.
4 Pun on mhinl with threefold meaning 1) army (294 d), 2) river
(295 a), 3} adj. for "carrying with it" (295 b).
5 The past part, nikkhantd takes the place of a finite verb.346
Parakkamabdhu I 72.297
297 defying arms, whose commands were scarce to be evaded, gave
them the order not to cross to the other bank of the stream,
298 and thus made them turn back. Thereupon King Parakkama-
bahu, the unvanquished sovereign, put on all his ornaments
299 and surrounded by his army, with Prince Sirivallabha in front,
he filling the heavens with great rejoicings of victory, enter-
300 ed the fair city of Pulatthinagara, even as the King of the
gods (entered) the city of tlie gods after his victory in the
battle with the asuras1.
301 Now the Monarch Manabhararia by reason of a disease
caused by his fear of Prince Parakkama had come to the end
302 of his life force. As he lay there on his bed, near to death,
enmeshed in misery amongst his wives who wailed with out-
303 spread arms, he had Prince Kittisirimegha and yet other high
304 dignitaries fetched and spake these words: "Rich treasures,
that sacrificed to the venerable Tooth Relic and to the sacred
305 Alms-bowl by believing sons of good family, and besides these
divers villages belonging to the bhikkhu order have I seized
306 and destroyed, swayed by the lust for kingly power. Now I
lie on that bed from which there is no rising. Whence shall
I find salvation from hell2, if by death I unwillingly quit
307 this world. Go thou, without ruining thyself as I (have ruined)
myself, to the Sovereign Parakkama, do that which he orders
308 thee and live devoted to him as he shall direct thee." After
309 these words he wept more distressfully and entered the dwell-
ing of god Yama difficult of approach, as if he wished to
betake himself to a territory which lay not in the realm of
the good soldiers of the Great King Parakkama.
1 In the Devanagala inscription, line 13/14 Parakkamabahu mentions
his war with Gajabahu. After this name an illegible space of about
seven akkharas is following, and then we read dedeJia (instead of dedenfi
fad) yuddha Jcota "having" made war with the two [princes] Gajabahu
and...." It is very probable that we have to supply after G-ajabahu
the name of Manabharana. See H. C. P. BELL, Report on the Kegalla
District (1892), p. 74-5.
2 There are four apdya or-possibilities of rebirth for the sinner ?
1) in hell, 2} as animal, 3) in the world of ghosts, .4) in the world of
demons.72. 321
ParaJckamdba'htt I
347
When King Parakkamabahu who had captivated all those 310
of good disposition without exception, heard that King Mana-
bharana was dead, he had the Prince Kittisirimegha fetched
thence. Then the great dignitaries met together and with 311
clasped hands prayed the Ruler to celebrate the festival of the
king's consecration1. At a favourable moment and under a lucky 312
star the Ruler (now) without rivals held the happy festival
of the coronation. The loud noise of the divers kinds of 313
drums was then terrible as the raging of the ocean when
lashed by the storm wind of the destruction of the world.
Elephants equipped with gilded armour made the royal road 314
look as if it were traversed by lightning-flashing cloud moun-
tains. The whole town in which the colours of the horses2 315
gave rise, as it were to waves, was in agitation like the ocean.
By the variegated umbrellas and wreaths and the rows of gol- 316
den flags the heavens were hid as it were, on all sides. Gar* 317
ments were shaken and fingers snapped3, the inhabitants of
the town sent forth the cry: Live (o King)! live! Covered 318
with arches of bananas and thickly studded with jars and
wreaths the whole universe consisted of a mass of festivals4.
Songs of praise were heard hymned by many hundreds of 319
singers and the smoke of (kindled) aloe wood filled the firma-
ment. Clad in many-coloured garments, adorned with divers 320
ornaments5 and bearing sundry weapons in their hands,
practised warriors strutted around here and there with well- 321
rounded limbs goodly to look at with their heroic forms, like
1 Cf. above 71.19, in which the first consecration as king is described,
the effect of which seems to have disappeared, since Parakkamabahu
had for a time to evacuate Rajaratfcha and Pulatthinagara.
2 Pun on turahga, ranga, taranga. The dark-coloured horses are
like the waves, the light-coloured ones their crowns of foam.
3 Lit.: "The shaking of clothes took place (see note to 72. 288) and
finger-snapping took place".
4 P. neJcamangalam (dsi). If the reading saJcdlan-tv-eltamangalam
could be reconciled with, the 'MSS. the sense, undoubtedly good, would
be: the universe was a single, vast festival.
5 The abharanani "ornaments" were bestowed on them by the king
for their bravery, corresponding to our medals.348
ParaklcamaMJm I
72. 322
322 ratting elephants. The many thousands of archers with their
hows in their hand made it look as if the army of the gods
323 trod the earth. Filled with hundreds of state chariots1 of
gold, jewels and pearls the town looked like the starry firma-
324 meni While the mighty King whose eye was large as a
lotus flower, thus performed a long series of marvellous things,
325 he ascended himself, adorned with a wealth of ornament, to
the golden baldachin that rested on a couple of elephants
326 covered with golden cloths, wearing on his head a diadem
sparkling with the brilliance of its jewels, like to the eastern
327 mountain when it bears the rising sun, vanquishing the
fairness of the spring by the power of his own fairness and
making moist the eyes of the women in the town by the
328 water of their tears of joy. Thus beamed on by auspicious
signs, after he had encircled the town with his right side
turned towards it, he entered like unto the thousand-eyed
(Indra) into the beautiful royal palace.
329 While thus as ruler of the middle world2, he filled the
chief and the intermediary regions of the heavens with festive
glory, King Parakkamabahu, the excellent ruler of the uni-
verse, carried out the second consecration as king in the se-
cond year (of his reign).
Here ends the seventy-second chapter, called "The Descrip-
tion of the festival of the Royal Consecration", in the Maha-
vaipsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
1 P. vuttdtoo. I do not think that the word means "palace11 here,
but rather that it is equivalent to ratha (cf. PTS. P. D. s. v. rimana with
detailed explanation of the term). What is meant are the charlotf
taking part in the processions with their sparkling ornaments of gold
aid precious stones.
f The King is here made an equal of the four (or eight) lokaplla,
the rulers of the heavenly regions of whom he appears as the central
figure*349
Additions and Corrections
(Ed. = edition, Tr. = translation)
87. 79 Ed. Put the whole verse between marks of suspension. It is a
parenthesis.
37.103 Ed. Put: after ratanamandapam.
87. 114 Ed. Bead: »nago roglti nicchayam«.
87.202 Ed. We have probably to read: catuddasim pancadasim ya ca
pakkhassa atthaml.
87.206 Ed. Bead: coram rattiyam, uggate &c.
88.3 Ed. Bead: chattagahakajantuno.
88. 29 Ed. Bead: cuto, putto Parindo pi tatiye, tassa bhatuko &c.
88. 65 Ed. I propose to read: Akasi patimagehe Bahumangalacetiye |
bodhisatte ca, tatthapi Kalaselassa satthuno H &c.
88. 68 Tr. Add in the note: It is however probable that in the Maha-
vamsa not the Buddhist yojana but the common Indian yojana
is meant which has the double length (a little more than 9 miles).
See PAKKEB, Ancient Ceylon, p. 255 f.
88. 79 Ed. Expunge the ? after nidassitam and put it after samattho.
88.88 Ed. Bead: °kule instead of °kille.
41. 33 Ed. Bead: Puratthimam instead of pur°.
41.82 Ed. Bead: gahetva khipi; tih' evam angullhi sa tarn chupi.
41.96 Ed, Bead: Uttare instead of utt°.
42. 67 Tr. Add in the note: The Giritata is the present Giritalaveva,
and the Gangatata the present Kantalai lake. Cf. the notes
to 70. 286, 312,
44.56 Ed.' Bead: Janapadam instead of jan°.
44.71 Ed. Bead: CJtfcaram inst. of utt°.
44.90 Ed. Bead: sakka hantum ti darakam«.
47.66 Ed. Bead on p. 89*: tatth' eva instead of tath1 eva.
48.66 Tr. Add in note 4, line 8 after °gehani: (Cf. Ceylon Journal of
Science I, p. 145 if.).
40.17 f. Ed. Bead: patimayo ca karayi || pasade cetiye c'eva vihare ca
anappake.
49.78 Ed. Expunge the full stop after avalokiya.350
49.81 Ed. Expunge the comma after sadhukam.
50.34 Ed. Read: Pasade Ratane sabbasovannam &c.
50.48 Ed. Bead: 'samo instead of samo.
51.88 Ed. Read: Kutthaka0 instead of Tutthaka0.
54.57 Ed. Rea'd: rajam instead of raja.
59. 2 Ed. Read: »Abhisekamanga]attham pasadadim anekakam
kiccam &c.
59.49 Ed. Read: Sundarivham instead of Sunarivham.
61. 4 Ed. Read: 'kbila instead of khila.
61.36 Ed. "We have probably to read Ariyadeslso.
01.40 Ed. Read: samganmm tena rajina.
61.53 Ed. Read: te 'khlnatosa instead of te khina0.
65. 6 Ed. Read: Patiladdha0 instead of Patiladdha0.
66.26 Ed. Read: kurnaram instead of kumaram.
66. 59- Ed. I propose reading ten' ato instead of te tato.
66.80 Ed. Read: Ranamburain instead of Ratamb0.
66.143 Ed. Read: °opaya° instead of °opaya°.
70. 54 Ed. Read: Rajarattham instead of raja0.
70.98 Ed. Read: Ambavanam instead of Ambuv0.
70.105 Ed. Read: Janapadam instead of jana°.
70.112 and 120 Ed. Read: ganga0 instead of Ganga0.
70.181 Ed, Read: vasi karita0 instead of vasikarita0.
72.58 Ed. Read: Arakkha0 instead of arakkha0.
72.106 Ed. Expunge the » « before and after savadharanam.
72.121-2 Ed. Put; at the end of v. 121 and » at the beginning of
v. 122. ,
72,127 Ed, Expunge » before sakalarativahinl.
72.170 Ed. Read Kalavapiyam instead of Kala°.351
Genealogical Tables
(See J. STILL, Index to the Mahawansa, p. 79 ff.; WICKREMASINGHE, EZ.
I, p. 184, II, p. 58)
From Sirisneghavanrsa to the Ghattaggahaka
Mahasena
1. Sirimeghavanna
37. 53
4. Upatissa I
37.179
6. Sotthisena
38.1, 2
brother ?
37. 100
I
2. Jetthatissa II
"37.100
3. Buddhadasa
37.105
5. Mahanama
37. 209
Saingha
married to the
7. Chattaggahaka
38. 3
8. Mittasena to 14. Pithija
38.4?34II
From Dhatusena to Kittisirimegha
Dathapabhuti
(a Lambakanna)
Dhatusena (a Moriya)
38,14
Dathanama
15. Dhatusena
38,35
Silatissabodhi
22. Silakala x Princess 16. Kassapa I
39. 54 £.,41. 26 38.80,85
Bodhi
Uppalavanna
17. Moggallana I Princess X 2L Upatisaa II
38.80, 39. 20 (a
41.6
4L 8, 24
24 Moggallana II 23. Dathapabhuti I Upatissa 18.
Kurnaradhatusena (his wife's brother: 20. STva)
41.54 *41.42 41.42
41.1
41.5
i
I
25, Kittisirimeglla
41. 64
19. Kittisena
41.4
(M
tO
CO353
From Mahanaga to Aggabodhi II
Bhayasiva
Aggabodhi 41. 70, 93 Uparaja of Mahanaga
Sister of Bhayasiva
26. Mahanaga 41.70,91
Sister 41
of M. .74
Brother of M. 42.6 Uparaja Aggabodhi's I
Prince 41.93
27. Aggabodhi 42.1
Datha 42.10
I Prii
28. Aggs 42.6,
icess
bodhi II 38,40
Prince 42.6 Yuvaraja
Samghatissa and his successor
Prince
44.18, 35
29. Sanighatissa
asiggaha
44. 1
33. Jetthatissa II
44.28,95
Prince
44.24
23354
' IV
From Silameghavansia to Udaya 1
Senapati of (29) Samghatissa
I Mahatissa
31. Silameghavanna Asiggaha1 of Rohana
44.8,65 45.38
32. Aggabodhi III SSB.2 Mana 35. Kassapall Princess x 36.
Dappula I
44.83,118 44.123 44,124,137,144
45.36, 80
Manaka? = 41. Manavamma 45. 6 47. 1, 62
i
Manavamma? = Mana 45.52 45.8,11,79
42. Aggabodhi V 48.1
43. Kassapa III 44. 48.20
Mahinda I adipada 48. 26
. Aggabodhi VII 48. 89, 68
Mahinda 48.69,75
Princess
47.
Dappula (2) 48.90,117
45. Aggabodhi YI SM. 48.42
Mahinda II Samgha (2) 46 48. 76
48. 54
48. Udaya I 49.1
1 His predecessor was 30. MoggallanallL, Senapati of Aggabodhi II
(44.2,22),
2 His successors were 33. Jetthatissa II and 34. Dathopatissa I (s. IIP,
V).
V
Collateral Line
Dathasiva Sister of D.
= 34. Dathopatissa I
44.88,128
Hatthadatha 38. Aggabodhi IV SSB.1
= 37. Dathopatissa II 46.1
44.154; 45.22
i His successors were 39. Datta (46.41) and 40. Hatthadatha (46.45). Then
41. Manavamma (see IV) ascends the throne.VI
From Utiaya 1 to Sena II
Mahinda II
48. Udaya I
Dathasiva
49.1
I
49. Mahinlalll 60. Aggabodhi VIII 51. Dapputa II
Deva (1) x Mahinda (6) of Rohan a
49.38 49.43
49.65 49.10,12 __________
__f
Mahinda (8) 52. Aggabodhi IX 53. Sena I Mahinda (9) Kassapa
(6) Udaya <2) Deva (2) x Kittaggabodhi (1)*)
49.84,50.4 49.83 50.1
50.21-23 50.46 X Nala 49.71
49.71,50.50
xSamgha(3) I 50.8
-?-----------------,-------
60.7,69 ||
|
X^ifamlkste) Sena Mahalekhaka Mahinda .(10) &c
50. 58, 51. 1
Kittaggabodhi x Deva (2)
1
Mahinda (10) 50.51
Kassapa (7) 60. 64
Sena (3) 50.56
Udaya (3) 50.56
Samgha (4) 50. 58 x Sena II
Tissa (1) Kitti (1)
X Mahinda (11) 50. 59-60
COVII
From Sena II to Vikkamabahu I
(Sena I) Kassapa (6)
-- -.-:-- . ? : A -mm .-. i
54. Sena II SSB,
50. 48, 61.1
x Samgha (4)
Mahinda (11)
50. 59, 51. 7, 63
x a) Tissa (1), b)Kitti(l)
50,60,51.15 50.60,51,16
65. Udaya II 56. Kassapa IT
x Tissa; (2) x Tissa (8)
5L94 52.1
57. Kassapa Y SMV. (von a) 58, Dappulalll 59. Dappula IV
X a) Samgha (5), b) Sena (2) 53.1 (von b)
51*18 51.93 53.4
c) Deva (3), d) Eajim
52.64 52.67
Sena (2)
61.98
Tissa (2)
51.93
Samgha (5) (von a) Kittaggabodhi (von b) 60. U clay a JII
51.18 51.94 53,13
61. Sena III
53.13, 28
62. Udaya IV(?)
53. 28, 39
to
iO
CO
Mahinda (12) (von a)?) 63. Sena IV (von a)?) Tissa (3)
Siddhattha (von d) Sakkasenapati (von c) 64, Mahinda IV
51.99 53.39, 54. 1 52.2
52.68 52.52 (von c)
x Vajira 52. 62 54,1, 7
X Kitti(2) 64.50
65. SenaV""" Udaya 66. Mahinda V
54.57 54.58 55.1
67. Vikkamabahu I
(Kassapa 55.10) 66.1357
VIII
From Vikkamabahu I to Vijayabahu 1
Brother of Kitti Kitti x Mahinda TV
Devala
57.27
? ????A......'......s
Mahinda V
Lokita x Kassapa = 67. Vikkamabahu I
57.27 57.28 (55.10) 56.1
Bodhi X Buddha
aus dem Geschlecht des Dathopatissa
' '. **
Lokita x .... x Moggallana
57.41 57.29,41,42
Loka
57.29
Kitti _ Mitta
: 74. Vijayabahu I1
Mahinda
Eakkhita
1 Kings between Vikkamabahu I and Vijayabahu I were 68. Kitti,
69. Mahalanakitti, 70. Vikkamapandu, 71. JagatTpala, 72. Parakkama-
pandu I, 73. Loka (56. 7?57. 2).
IX
Vijayabahu's I Family
74. Vijayabahu I
x a) 1. Lzlavati x b) Tilokasundarl
59.25
Yasodhara
x Viravamma
59.27
2. LHavati
59.28
x Vikkamabahu II
59.50
Sugala
59. 28
x 1. Sirivallabha
59.45
59.29
a) Subhadda
x Virabahu 59.43
b) Sumitta^
x Jayabahu 59.43
c) Lokanatha
X Kittisirimegha 59. 44
d) BatanavatT
X 1. Manabharana 59.44
e) Eupavati
died 59. 45
f) Vikkamabahu II
x a. Sundari
59.49
x b. Lilavati
59.50Descent of Parakkamabahu I
4. Moggallana x 2. Lokita
57, 29, 41
74. Vijayabahu I SSB.1
76. Vikkamabahu II 61.8,62,1
Virabahu 59. 11; 60. 86
75. Jayabahu I 60.87] 61. 5; 62.1
1. Mitta X Pan
1. Manabharana (Virabahu) * 59.42; 61.26; 62.67 x RatanavalT 59. 44
2. Kittisirimegha 59. 42; 67, 87 x Lokanatha 69.44
1. Sirivallabha 59 42; 64, 18 x Sufjala 69.45
77. Gajabahu Anikanga 60.88; 63.19 61.40
16. Mahinda 62. 69; 72. 46 ff.
2. Manabharana 64.19 x Mitta 68. 16 x Pabhavati 64,24
S. Lillvatt
2. Mitta Pabhavati
Bhaddavati x Gajabahu 66. 147
78. Parakkamabahu I
X 2. Manabharana 63.16; 64.24
1 See Table IX
x Bttpavati 73.142 X 8. Lilavati 80.81
2, Sirivallabha (von 1.) 72.291
8. Kittisirimegha (von 2.) 64. 24; 72. 808
00
10
CO359
Supplementary Notes
1) Introduction, p. XXII. Mr. A. M. HOCAKT, C. J. Sc. G. II, p. 34
refers to the part played by the sister's son in Ancient Germany,
according to Tacitus, Germania 20; Sororum filiis idem apud
avunculum qui apud patrem honor. Quidam sanctiorem artiorem*
que hunc nexum sanguinis arbitrantur, "The sister's son is In as
great honour with the uncle as with the father. Some consider
this tie of blood more sacred and closer."
2) Introduction, p. XXV ff. I wish to direct the reader's attention
to the inscriptions on the pillars of King NIssanka Malla's "Council
Chamber" In Polonnaruva. They supply us with useful information
as to the highest officials and the constituent members of the royal
council at the time of that king. At the king's right hand there
sat II the maliadipada, 2) the adipddas, 3) the senapati, 4) the
adhikdraa (principle chiefs), 5) the Chief Secretary (mahalekha); ?
and on his left side 1) the mandalikas (governors of the provinces),
2) the eighty four (chiefs of smaller districts), 3) the heads of the
merchants. ? The number 84 exactly corresponds to the 84 samanta
appointed by Parakkamabahu In Dakkhinadesa, Mhvs. 69. 16. ?
See H. W. CODKINGTOH, JRAS. C. Br. XXIX, Nr. 77, 1924, p. 304 ff.;
the same, HC. p. 68.
8) 87. 213 (p. 22, n. 4) The Dhuinarakkha is situated on the right
bank ? not left bank ? of the Mahaveliganga. It is, no doubt,
Identical with the Bimbulagala-kanda, the so-called "Gunner's Quoin",
near Mahagantota (ancient Kacchakatittha), E, of Polonnarui*. In
my Transl. of the Maliivamsa, p. 72, n. 1 and p< 289?00 must be
corrected accordingly. H. STOKET, C. A, L. B. III. 3T p. 229,
4) 53. 30. For the daily ritual In the Dalada-Maligava, Kanijy see
Arthur A, PBBEBA, C. A. L. E. VI. 2, p. 67 f.
5) For the Identification of the topographical names In ch. 66 &c.
1 refer also to H. STOREY, Panikrama Bahii the Great, C. A. L. B.
VII. 1, p. 17 ff.361
List of Abbreviations
A. = Anguttara Nikaya (ed. PTS.).
Abhp. = Abhidhanappadipika.
AIC. = Ed. MULLEK, Ancient Inscrip-
tions of Ceylon, 1883.
Ann. Eep. = Annual Report.
ASC. = Archaeological Survey of
Ceylon.
BE. = BdHTLiNGK und ROTH, Sanskrit
Worterbuch.
C. A. L. R. = Ceylon Antiquary and
Literary Register.
C. J. Sc. G. = Ceylon Journal of
Science, Sect. G.
Col. Ed. == Colombo Edition of the
"Mahawansa from the thirty-se-
venth Chapter", 1877.
D. = DTgha Nikaya (ed. PTS.)
Dh. == Dhammapada (ed. PTS.)
DhCo. = Dhammapada Commentary
(ed. PTS.)
EL = Epigraphia Indica.
EZ. = Epigraphia Zeylanica (ed.
WICKREMASINGHE).
HC. = H. W. CODRINGTON, A Short
History of Ceylon, 1926.
Ja. = Jataka.
JaCo. = The Jataka together with
its Commentary, ed. FAUSBSLL,
1877 ff.
JAs. = Journal Asiatique.
JPTS. = Journal of the Pali Text
Society.
JRAS. = Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society.
JRAS. C. Br. = Journ. Boy. As. Soc.,
Ceylon Branch.
Kh. = Ktmddaka Patha, together
with its Commentary, ed. HELMER
SMITH (PTS.), 1915.
LSI. = Linguistic Survey of India
(Sir GEORGE GRIERSON).
M. = Majjhima Nikaya (ed. PTS.)
Mem. = Memoirs (of the ASC.)
Mhbh. = Mahabharata.
Mhvs. = Mahavamsa.
Milp. = Milindapanha ed. TKENCKNEB,
1880.
Nett. = Nettipakarana (ed. PTS.)
Nik.-s.= Nikayasangraha (ed.WrcKRE-
MASINGHE).
P. = Pali.
PIERIS 1 = Ceylon, the Portuguese
Era, by P. E. PIERIS, 2 Bde.
1913?4.
PIERIS 2 = Ceylon and the Portu-
guese 1505-1658, by P. E. PIERIS^
1920.
PIERIS 3 = Ceylon and the Hol-
landers 1658-1796 by P. E. PIERIS,
1924.
PTS. = Pali Text Society.
PTS. P. D. = The PTS.'s Pali Dic-
tionary by RHYS DAVIBS and
STEDE.
Pujav. = A Contribution to the Hi-
story of Ceylon, extracted from
the "Piljavaliya", 1893.
Pv, = Petavatthu (ed- PTS.)362
Eajaratn. = Rajaratnakaraya or Hi-
story of Ceylon, ed. Saddhananda,
1887.
Bajav. = The Rajavaliya, ed. by
B. Gunasekara, 1899; ? transl.
by the same, 1900.
Ram. = Ramayana.
S. = Samyutta Nikaya (ed. PTS.)
S. and B. = SUMANG-ALA and BA-
TUWANTUDAWA, editors of Mhvs.,
Col. Ed. -? The same, Mhvs.
transl. (Into Sinhalese), 1917.
Sn. = Sutfcanipata (ed. PTS.)
SMV. == Silameghavanna.
S. P. = Sessional Papers.
SSB. = Sirisamghabodhl.
Thag. = Theragatha (ed. PTS.)
Thig. = Therigatha (ed. PTS.)
Yin. = Vinaya Pitaka, ed. OLDEN-
BERG.
Yv. = Vimanavatthu (ed'. PTS.)
W. == The Mahavansa, part II, con-
taining Chapters XXXIX to C,
by L. C. WIJESINHA.
211. = Zeitschrift fizr Indologie und
Iranistik.